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A Salt Lake City attorney and the producer behind ‘Us’ and ‘Get Out’ are among new members of the Sundance Institute’s Board of Trustees

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A Salt Lake City lawyer and activist, one of Hollywood’s hottest producers, a former Obama administration social secretary, and a pioneering artist in virtual reality have been named to join the Sundance Institute’s Board of Trustees.

Sundance Institute announced the additions Monday. They will join 24 other trustees, led by Sundance’s founder Robert Redford and board president Pat Mitchell.

The new board members are:

Jason Blum, movie producer and founder of Blumhouse Productions, which has backed such movies as Jordan Peele’s “Us” and “Get Out,” M. Night Shyamalan’s “Glass” and “Split,” and last year’s “Halloween” revival. His producing credits include the Sundance Film Festival entries “Whiplash,” “How to Dance in Ohio” and “The Jinx.”

Ebs Burnough, former Deputy White House Social Secretary, developing and executing events for Barack and Michelle Obama. He now is president of Ebs Burnough Solutions International, a marketing, communications and event production firm.

Lisa-Michele Church, Salt Lake City attorney and activist in social justice, particularly for youth and women. Church will join Sundance’s Board of Trustees as a non-voting appointee of the Redford family.

Lynette Wallworth, an Australian artist and filmmaker who has pioneered new storytelling technologies, such as virtual reality and mixed reality. Her installation “Evolution of Fearlessness” (2009) and her VR works “Collisions” (2016) and “Awavena” (2018) have all appeared in the Sundance Film Festival’s New Frontier program.

Sundance Institute, founded by Redford in 1981, oversees labs for filmmakers, screenwriters, producers, musicians, documentarians, new-media artists and playwrights. It also organizes the annual Sundance Film Festival and sister festivals in London and Hong Kong, and provides support for independent artists year-round.


'I can’t let myself be cowed’ — Eco-activist Rose Chilcoat sues San Juan County, rancher over cattle-gate dispute

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Alleging San Juan County trumped up bogus felony offenses over a gate closing, environmental activist Rose Chilcoat is now fighting back with a federal civil rights lawsuit seeking punitive damages from the southeastern Utah county that is already financially stretched over other legal tussles.

Also named in the lawsuit filed Wednesday in Salt Lake City’s U.S. District Court is Zane Odell, the rancher who detained Chilcoat and her husband, Mark Franklin, at a corral in Bears Ears National Monument two years ago and accused them of trying to kill his cattle. The suit contends Odell and San Juan County Attorney Kendall Laws made up or misstated various facts to support a felony case against Chilcoat and Franklin as payback for Chilcoat’s work to protect the county’s public lands and rich archaeological heritage.

“It doesn’t feel good to be doing this. However, I have been encouraged by many people that agree things happened that were wrong and I shouldn’t just say, ‘Good, it’s over,’ and tuck my tail between my legs and walk away, that I should stand up for justice, that I should stand up for integrity and honesty and defend my reputation,” Chilcoat said Wednesday at a news conference in the Salt Lake City offices of her civil attorney, Karra Porter. “The idea that I could have harmed any living creature is just hideous to me. My whole life, my whole career has been about defending nature and animals, the wild places that I love.”

Besides, she said, the case has taken a huge toll on her family, starting with a legal tab totaling at least $130,000.

“I would like to be made whole financially," she said. "I will never get back the two years of my life that I lost having to deal with this, during times that should have been family celebrations.”

She recalled being pulled out of her son’s wedding reception to vet potential defense lawyers.

“My husband I have faced death threats,” Chilcoat said. “My son said, ‘One of these days, they are going to find your body in a ditch out there because you are not backing down.’ I guess that could be a reality, but I can’t let myself by cowed or intimidated. I have to stand for what’s right. That’s who I am.”

(Brian Maffly |  The Salt Lake Tribune)  In April 20017, this corral west of Bluff in  Bears Ears National Monument was the scene of a confrontation between ranchers and environmental activist Rose Chilcoat and her husband, Mark Franklin.
(Brian Maffly | The Salt Lake Tribune) In April 20017, this corral west of Bluff in Bears Ears National Monument was the scene of a confrontation between ranchers and environmental activist Rose Chilcoat and her husband, Mark Franklin.

Chilcoat’s suit seeks to pull back the immunity prosecutors normally enjoy and win punitive damages against both Laws and the county, as well as from Odell, who initiated the confrontation April 3, 2017, at a remote spot west of Bluff called Lime Ridge. The suit alleges Chilcoat was illegally detained and falsely accused in the dispute that led to felony charges and a two-year legal ordeal for Chilcoat and her husband that concluded only last week.

“Under the Constitution, citizens have the right to express political viewpoints without retaliation by the government. They have the right not to be seized by the government, or persons acting on behalf of the government, without probable cause. They have the right not to have criminal charges filed against them based upon factual misrepresentations,” Porter wrote in the suit’s opening paragraph. “In the case of Rose Chilcoat, all of these rights were violated.”

Laws and Odell did not respond to requests for comment Wednesday. In an interview last week, Laws defended his decision to prosecute the couple, saying he simply applied state law to the facts.

The case highlights the contentious divide over Utah’s public lands and the deep distrust many in San Juan County feel toward outsiders, especially activists who seek to limit motorized access to ecologically and culturally sensitive places that abound there.

Meanwhile, the county has racked up huge legal costs in other disputes, prompting it to seek a special appropriation from the Legislature. Some of these billings arose from federal suits brought by the Navajo Nation and successful County Commission candidate Willie Grayeyes, whom the county had sought to disqualify from the ballot last year, and from pursuing other actions regarding land use disputes with the feds, including an effort to establish a county right of way in Recapture Canyon.

Chilcoat was a key figure in the closure of Recapture Canyon to ATVs and applauded the conviction of County Commissioner-turned-state-legislator Phil Lyman for leading a 2014 protest ride through the canyon east of Blanding. Lyman repaid the favor by calling for Chilcoat’s prosecution in a video post that sought to demonstrate how closing Odell’s gate would keep cattle from their water.

Chilcoat and Franklin, residents of Durango, Colo., argue it was Odell who should have been prosecuted in the clash at his corral, a peculiar contraption of vertical black piping built just off U.S. Highway 163. The couple stopped at the corral on their way home from a weekend trip to southeastern Utah’s Valley of the Gods to check out the cattle operation, which they had inspected two days before — April 1, 2017 — when Franklin closed a gate there.

Enraged that someone messed with the gate, Odell and his hands blocked Chilcoat and Franklin from leaving after recognizing their trailer in a photograph shot from a trail camera rigged to the fence, according to court testimony. The men yelled at them about going to jail and refused to let them leave or even explain why they were being detained until moments before San Juan County Sheriff’s Deputy Jay Begay arrived and took statements.

Odell accused the couple of closing the gate in deliberate attempt to keep the cattle from a water source. His proof was the photograph, even though no one appeared in the photograph.

A day or so earlier, Odell alerted sheriff’s deputy that a similar trailer was parked at the Sand Island Campground in Bluff. Deputies investigated only to discover that trailer belonged to hapless vacationers from Minnesota, according to the suit.

Later that month, Laws began filing various charges against Franklin and Chilcoat, who was widely despised in San Juan County for her political activism with Great Old Broads for Wilderness and Friends of Cedar Mesa. These conservation groups stand up for public lands protection and preservation of archaeological sites, positions that upset San Juan leaders who have long resented federal oversight of land use.

Laws initially charged the couple with misdemeanors: trespassing and an additional charge against Chilcoat of making a false statement to a police officer for using her married name. He later added felonies: attempted wanton destruction of livestock and an additional charge against Chilcoat of retaliation against a witness.

The prosecutor cited Chilcoat’s activism as evidence she intended to harm the cattle. The retaliation charge arose from a compliant Chilcoat filed with the Bureau of Land Management, detailing problems with Odell’s cattle operation, which he ran on public land.

This charge was particularly noxious, Chilcoat’s lawyers argued, because it criminalizes civil engagement.

“To be an environmentalist and work on behalf of public lands like I did,” Chilcoat said Wednesday, “should not put a target on someone’s back when all I’ve ever done is work within the appropriate mechanisms for effecting change.”

(Francisco Kjolseth  |  The Salt Lake Tribune)  Rose Chilcoat, left, former associate director of the Great Old Broads for Wildnerness, is joined by her attorney, Karra Porter, to discuss the filing of a lawsuit in federal court on Wednesday, April 10, 2019.
(Francisco Kjolseth | The Salt Lake Tribune) Rose Chilcoat, left, former associate director of the Great Old Broads for Wildnerness, is joined by her attorney, Karra Porter, to discuss the filing of a lawsuit in federal court on Wednesday, April 10, 2019. (Francisco Kjolseth/)

At a preliminary hearing in November 2017, Laws alleged that Chilcoat’s complaint contained false allegations, Porter said, and included “altered” photographs showing the damage from Odell’s operation was worse that it really was.

Seventh District Judge Lyle Anderson, who is now retired, ordered Chilcoat tried after that hearing. Porter contends that Laws’ alleged abuse of the criminal justice process is so severe that she hopes to use it as a test case to challenge the immunity that shields prosecutorial misconduct from legal liability.

She believes Laws crossed a line by misstating material facts to persuade Anderson to uphold the retaliation charge. Anderson was openly skeptical of that count, and Laws later dropped it without explanation.

The Utah Court of Appeals later rejected all charges against Chilcoat after concluding prosecutors lacked enough evidence to bring the case to trial. Last week, Franklin pleaded “no contest” to misdemeanor counts to avoid, he said, the hassle and uncertainty of a trial. The charges will be dismissed after a year if he refrains from violating the law.

The suit seeks damages against Odell for leveling accusations against Chilcoat he knew to be false and for assault.

“Odell falsely stated to third parties that Ms. Chilcoat had been caught ‘red-handed’ closing the gate and trying to kill his cattle,” the suit states. Among statements posted on social media in response to Odell’s accusations were “get a rope,” “ignorant bitch,” and one post celebrating the summary justice supposedly practiced “in the good old days.” “In the old West they would have been hanged or shot that day,” the post states.

From the beginning, Franklin acknowledged closing the gate, but pointed out that a section of the fence was down, so the gate closing made no difference for the cattle’s access to the water. Last week after his case ended, he explained he entered the corral to inspect a strange water trough inside and closed the gate to minimize contact with the long-horned cattle giving him the “stink eye.”

Unfortunately for Franklin’s family, San Juan County officials construed shutting a gate as a grave threat to their way of life, another indication of the enmity now infecting Utah’s public lands debates.

‘It is like nowhere else.’ Mark Pope is raring to go as BYU’s new men’s basketball coach.

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(Francisco Kjolseth  |  The Salt Lake Tribune)  BYU announces Mark Pope as its new head basketball coach during a press event at the BYU broadcasting building on Wed. April 10, 2019.(Francisco Kjolseth  |  The Salt Lake Tribune)  Mark Pope takes questions from the media after being announced as BYU's new head basketball coach during a press event at the BYU broadcasting building on Wed. April 10, 2019.(Francisco Kjolseth  |  The Salt Lake Tribune)  BYU announces Mark Pope as its new head basketball coach during a press event at the BYU broadcasting building on Wed. April 10, 2019.(Francisco Kjolseth  |  The Salt Lake Tribune)  BYU announces Mark Pope as its new head basketball coach during a press event at the BYU broadcasting building on Wed. April 10, 2019.(Francisco Kjolseth  |  The Salt Lake Tribune)  Mark Pope takes questions from the media after being announced as BYU's new head basketball coach during a press event at the BYU broadcasting building on Wed. April 10, 2019.(Francisco Kjolseth  |  The Salt Lake Tribune)  Mark Pope takes questions from the media after being announced as BYU's new head basketball coach during a press event at the BYU broadcasting building on Wed. April 10, 2019.(Francisco Kjolseth  |  The Salt Lake Tribune)  Mark Pope takes questions from the media after being announced as BYU's new head basketball coach during a press event at the BYU broadcasting building on Wed. April 10, 2019.(Francisco Kjolseth  |  The Salt Lake Tribune)  Lee Anne Pope looks over at her daughters as her husband Mark is announced as BYU's new head basketball coach during a press event at the BYU broadcasting building on Wed. April 10, 2019.(Francisco Kjolseth  |  The Salt Lake Tribune)  Mark Pope gets a kiss from his wife Lee Anne as BYU announces him as its new head basketball coach during a press event at the BYU broadcasting building on Wed. April 10, 2019.(Francisco Kjolseth  |  The Salt Lake Tribune)  BYU announces Mark Pope as its new head basketball coach during a press event at the BYU broadcasting building on Wed. April 10, 2019.(Francisco Kjolseth  |  The Salt Lake Tribune)  BYU announces Mark Pope as its new head basketball coach during a press event at the BYU broadcasting building on Wed. April 10, 2019.(Francisco Kjolseth  |  The Salt Lake Tribune)  BYU announces Mark Pope as its new head basketball coach during a press event at the BYU broadcasting building on Wed. April 10, 2019.(Francisco Kjolseth  |  The Salt Lake Tribune)  Mark Pope takes questions from the media after being announced as BYU's new head basketball coach during a press event at the BYU broadcasting building on Wed. April 10, 2019.(Francisco Kjolseth  |  The Salt Lake Tribune)  Mark Pope takes questions from the media after being announced as BYU's new head basketball coach during a press event at the BYU broadcasting building on Wed. April 10, 2019.(Francisco Kjolseth  |  The Salt Lake Tribune)  Mark Pope, alongside his wife Lee Anne speaks with BYU president Kevin Worthen after being introduced as its new head basketball coach during a press event at the BYU broadcasting building on Wed. April 10, 2019.(Francisco Kjolseth  |  The Salt Lake Tribune)  Mark Pope, alongside his wife Lee Anne speaks with BYU president Kevin Worthen after being introduced as its new head basketball coach during a press event at the BYU broadcasting building on Wed. April 10, 2019.(Francisco Kjolseth  |  The Salt Lake Tribune)  Mark Pope, center, alongside his wife Lee Anne speaks with BYU president Kevin Worthen after being introduced as its new head basketball coach during a press event at the BYU broadcasting building on Wed. April 10, 2019.(Francisco Kjolseth  |  The Salt Lake Tribune)  BYU announces Mark Pope as its new head basketball coach during a press event at the BYU broadcasting building on Wed. April 10, 2019.(Francisco Kjolseth  |  The Salt Lake Tribune)  Mark Pope looks over at his family as BYU announces him as its new head basketball coach during a press event at the BYU broadcasting building on Wed. April 10, 2019.(Francisco Kjolseth  |  The Salt Lake Tribune)  BYU announces Mark Pope as its new head basketball coach during a press event at the BYU broadcasting building on Wed. April 10, 2019.(Francisco Kjolseth  |  The Salt Lake Tribune)  Mark Pope takes questions from the media after being announced as BYU's new head basketball coach during a press event at the BYU broadcasting building on Wed. April 10, 2019.(Francisco Kjolseth  |  The Salt Lake Tribune)  Mark Pope is introduced as BYU's new head basketball coach during a press event at the BYU broadcasting building on Wed. April 10, 2019.(Francisco Kjolseth  |  The Salt Lake Tribune)  Mark Pope is embraced by Athletic Director Tom Holmoe as he is brought into the BYU family after being introduced as its new head basketball coach during a press event at the BYU broadcasting building on Wed. April 10, 2019.(Francisco Kjolseth  |  The Salt Lake Tribune)  Mark Pope takes questions from the media after being announced as BYU's new head basketball coach during a press event at the BYU broadcasting building on Wed. April 10, 2019.(Francisco Kjolseth  |  The Salt Lake Tribune)  Mark Pope takes questions from the media after being announced as BYU's new head basketball coach during a press event at the BYU broadcasting building on Wed. April 10, 2019.

Provo • New BYU basketball coach Mark Pope and BYU athletic department administrators Tom Holmoe and Brian Santiago talked about finding a “secluded, secret place” to meet a few weeks ago to discuss the opening a day or two after veteran coach Dave Rose retired.

They decided there was no such place in Provo and threw caution to the wind, deciding to gather on the floor of the Marriott Center, where the Cougars play home games in front of up to 19,000 fans.

Turns out it was a brilliant move by the guys doing the hiring, because that was one of the first moments when Pope realized the BYU job might be right for him. He had been a bit reluctant to take the job because of the great success he was having at neighboring Utah Valley University, and the great team he was expecting to return this season. He also had his eye on some other openings around the country.

“Walking on the Marriott Center floor, and having Tom and Brian both stand there and both look up at me, and see tears come to their eyes, and their faces turn red with [the] passion that every BYU fan has seen, it was such a huge deal to me to feel how badly they want to continue winning, and win bigger and bigger and bigger,” Pope said at his introductory news conference Wednesday afternoon. “It was really inspiring to me. It is one of the special things about this place that makes me want to be here so badly.”

Another persuasive moment came when Pope, 46, was alone and he used one of his own recruiting tactics on himself.

“Of all these places [he could potentially coach at], where do you want to win the most? Where can you go win and it will mean the most on any level?’” he asked himself. “And there is no doubt in my mind that it is here. And that’s why I am here. … Because this is a special place to come and win big. It is like nowhere else. And that’s the special challenge for us.”

Holmoe reiterated after the news conference that head coaches of all BYU sports must be members of the faith that owns and operates BYU, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. Pope is already familiar to BYU administrators and fans alike because he was Rose’s assistant at BYU the first four seasons that the school was in the West Coast Conference (2011-15).

“There was a good pool of candidates for this job,” Holmoe said. “There were candidates who wanted this job [really] bad, and it was such a great feeling to be able to still feel the energy, the excitement, the enthusiasm of BYU basketball. And when it was all said and done, it all pointed to Mark Pope as our next basketball coach.”

Holmoe said Pope, who compiled a 77-56 record at UVU, will have total autonomy in picking his assistant coaches. All three of Pope’s assistants at UVU — Cody Fueger, Chris Burgess and Eric Daniels — attended the news conference.

All three are likely candidates for the UVU position, along with a couple of the finalists Pope beat out for the BYU job: Portland State assistant Barret Peery, Los Angeles Lakers assistant Mark Madsen and former BYU assistant Quincy Lewis. Southern Utah assistant John Wardenburg and Westminster College coach Norm Parrish might also be candidates, given them familiarity with the region.

The Wolverines went 23-11 in 2017-18 and 25-10 last season, setting a school record for most wins in a season at the Orem school. The Cougars went 98-43 the four years that Pope was Rose’s top assistant.

Pope said the most difficult thing about taking the BYU job was telling his former players at Utah Valley.

“The only thing that made it hard for me, the one thing, was my locker room down the street,” he said, his voice cracking. “I had the incredible privilege of working with those fine young men who are also chasing their dreams.”

Pope credited his many mentors, from his high school and college coaches, including Rick Pitino, his coach at Kentucky, to Rose, who was not at the news conference.

“I had an unbelievable opportunity [the first time at BYU],” Pope said. “In fact, I begged for the opportunity, to come here and learn from Dave Rose. He is a legendary coach here and set a bar so high that it tantalizes all of us to see if we can jump over it.”

Then Pope said his No. 1 mentor is his wife, Lee Anne, “the smartest, most beautiful and funniest” person he knows. The couple has four daughters between the ages of 18 and 11: Ella, Avery, Layla and Shay.

“Lee Anne is going to be a gift to this university, as well as my four wonderful and talented daughters,” he said.

Pope said he met with Rose at the Final Four coaches convention last weekend in Minneapolis.

“It is beyond extraordinary, what he accomplished here,” Pope said.

He met with BYU’s current players before the news conference. None of those players were present. They were practicing in the Marriott Center Annex adjacent to the BYU Broadcasting Building, said Kevin Nixon, father of junior forward Dalton Nixon.

“I think we have a good chance to win over these guys,” Pope said of the earlier meeting. “We are going to have some great relationships very quickly. … I want to win over this team and capture the vision we have.”

He said his coaching staff “is going to have to cast a really, really big net” to find recruits — LDS and non-LDS alike — and said those efforts will extend “throughout the country and world.”

Pope was making an annual salary of $200,000 as UVU’s coach, with $5,000 increases each year of a six-year deal, The Salt Lake Tribune reported last June after obtaining a copy of the agreement through an open records request. He also received $25,000 annually for his media obligations and a retention bonus of $25,000.

Terms of his deal with BYU will not be disclosed because BYU is a private institution not subject to open records requests.

Pope is a relative newcomer to coaching.

After deciding to leave medical school in 2009, he was director of basketball operations at Georgia for one season and an assistant at Wake Forest for a season before aggressively pursuing the BYU opening when BYU assistant Dave Rice took the head coaching job at UNLV.

Pope was born in Omaha, Neb., and played high school basketball in Bellevue, Wash., before playing his first two years of college basketball for the hometown Washington Huskies. He was Pac-10 Freshman of the Year in 1992 but transferred to Kentucky and was a member of the Wildcats’ 1996 national championship team.

Pope was drafted by the Indiana Pacers in 1996 and spent nine years in professional basketball — seven in the NBA and two overseas — before he was cut by the Denver Nuggets in training camp prior to the 2005-06 season.

He enrolled in medical school at Columbia University in 2006, but left for the coaching ranks in 2009.

Lee Anne Pope is a BYU graduate and the daughter of the late Lynn Archibald, Utah’s head coach from 1983-89 and as assistant at BYU from 1994-96.

Asked to describe his coaching style on Wednesday, Pope replied: “I am not very smart, but I am relentless.”

Just like Holmoe and Santiago were a few weeks ago on the Marriott Center floor.


Planned Parenthood, ACLU announce federal lawsuit aimed at striking down Utah’s new 18-week abortion ban

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(Trent Nelson  |  The Salt Lake Tribune)  
Karrie Galloway, Planned Parenthood Association of Utah, and Leah Farrell, ACLU of Utah, at a news conference on Utah's pending 18-week abortion ban, at the Utah Capitol in Salt Lake City on Wednesday April 10, 2019.(Trent Nelson  |  The Salt Lake Tribune)  
Leah Farrell, ACLU of Utah, at a news conference on Utah's pending 18-week abortion ban, at the Utah Capitol in Salt Lake City on Wednesday April 10, 2019.(Trent Nelson  |  The Salt Lake Tribune)  
Planned Parenthood Association of Utah and the ACLU of Utah hold a news conference on Utah's pending 18-week abortion ban, at the Utah Capitol in Salt Lake City on Wednesday April 10, 2019.(Trent Nelson  |  The Salt Lake Tribune)  
Planned Parenthood Association of Utah and the ACLU of Utah hold a news conference on Utah's pending 18-week abortion ban, at the Utah Capitol in Salt Lake City on Wednesday April 10, 2019.(Trent Nelson  |  The Salt Lake Tribune)  
Karrie Galloway, Planned Parenthood Association of Utah, at a news conference on Utah's pending 18-week abortion ban, at the Utah Capitol in Salt Lake City on Wednesday April 10, 2019.(Trent Nelson  |  The Salt Lake Tribune)  
Planned Parenthood Association of Utah and the ACLU of Utah hold a news conference on Utah's pending 18-week abortion ban, at the Utah Capitol in Salt Lake City on Wednesday April 10, 2019.(Trent Nelson  |  The Salt Lake Tribune)  
Planned Parenthood Association of Utah and the ACLU of Utah hold a news conference on Utah's pending 18-week abortion ban, at the Utah Capitol in Salt Lake City on Wednesday April 10, 2019.

Two Utah advocacy groups are filing a federal lawsuit against the state seeking to block an 18-week abortion ban that they call a “flagrant violation” of Supreme Court precedent.

The Planned Parenthood Association of Utah and the American Civil Liberties Union of Utah have been vowing legal action since the Utah Legislature passed the abortion measure earlier this year. The organizations held a news conference at the state Capitol on Wednesday to announce they had officially lodged the complaint.

“Politicians have no place in the private medical decisions of Utah women,” Karrie Galloway, president and CEO of Utah’s Planned Parenthood, said. “This unconstitutional ban is clearly part of a broader agenda to ban abortion one law at a time.”

This year, state legislatures across the nation considered more than 260 proposals to restrict abortion, Galloway continued, calling it a “full-on attack” on access to the procedure.

Utah’s ban, which would be among the nation’s strictest, is written to prohibit elective abortions after 18 weeks’ gestation and is slated to take effect May 14. The ACLU and Planned Parenthood seek a court injunction to stop the state from enforcing the new restrictions while the case is in litigation.

Federal courts have generally struck down attempts to bar abortions before a fetus could survive outside the womb. That point in a pregnancy has shifted with medical advancements that have allowed more premature babies to survive but is generally reached at about 24 weeks.

In the 1990s, Utah tried to ban most abortions performed later than 22 weeks, but a federal judge ruled the law was unconstitutional and overturned it. The complaint challenging that law was also filed by the ACLU and Planned Parenthood.

“We are here today because our Legislature has decided once again to attempt to curb important reproductive rights,” Leah Farrell, senior staff attorney for the ACLU of Utah, said during Wednesday’s news conference. “And once again we are standing up to hold the line and to say, ‘We will see you in court.’"

Planned Parenthood operates one of the state’s two abortion clinics — both located in Salt Lake City — and it is the only one that performs the procedure after 18 weeks, according to the lawsuit.

The prohibition, if upheld, would stop only a small fraction of abortions: There were 2,759 in-state abortions involving Utah residents in 2017, and just 73 of them were for pregnancies past 18 weeks, according to state health data.

(Christopher Cherrington  |  The Salt Lake Tribune)
(Christopher Cherrington | The Salt Lake Tribune)

But Galloway said fetal test results often are unavailable until after 18 weeks of pregnancy, and the new ban would limit a woman’s options in those cases.

A group of 30 Utah maternal fetal medicine physicians released a letter of support Wednesday for the lawsuit, saying the new prohibition will put women at risk by taking away the option of ending a pregnancy after certain severe fetal abnormalities are detected around 19 or 20 weeks.

“If women are not allowed the option to end complex pregnancies with a grave fetal prognosis after 18 weeks, we will see some women forced to undergo cesarean delivery in late pregnancy, which will increase maternal risk and the risk to their future children,” wrote the doctors, many of whom are specialists within Intermountain Healthcare or affiliated with University of Utah School of Medicine.

The abortion ban contains several exceptions for cases of rape or incest, when the life of the mother is at stake or if the fetus has a severe brain abnormality or lethal defect.

The lawsuit names as defendants Gov. Gary Herbert; Attorney General Sean Reyes; Joseph Miner, executive director of Utah’s health department; Sim Gill, district attorney for Salt Lake County; and Mark Steinagel, the director of Utah Division of Occupational and Professional Licensing.

Utah lawmakers predicted that the proposed abortion ban would wind up in court, and its sponsor, Rep. Cheryl Acton, conceded its defense could cost between $1 million and $3 million if the state loses. But Acton, a West Jordan Republican, argued the battle was still worth fighting, especially in a state that prides itself on family values.

In a Wednesday interview, she acknowledged that lower courts will probably rule against the state but believes the 18-week law could be upheld on appeal.

“I’m hoping that we have all the elements there to sustain it through a court challenge," Acton said, but we will have to see how it plays out."

Despite decades of legal precedent against pre-viability bans, the recent rightward shift of the Supreme Court bench gives Acton hope. The roughly 46 years since the landmark Roe v. Wade decision have also yielded a greater understanding of what goes on inside the womb and the risks of later-term abortion procedures, she said.

Ultimately, she’d like the Supreme Court to hand control over abortion policy to the states.

Arkansas this year also approved an 18-week abortion ban that, as in Utah, opponents vow to challenge, The Associated Press reports. Meanwhile, Ohio legislators have passed a bill to ban abortions once a fetal heartbeat is detected.

Abortion Lawsuit by The Salt Lake Tribune on Scribd

Tracking your pregnancy on an app may be more public than you think

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Like millions of women, Diana Diller was a devoted user of the pregnancy-tracking app Ovia, logging in every night to record new details on a screen asking about her bodily functions, sex drive, medications and mood. When she gave birth last spring, she used the app to chart her baby’s first online medical data — including her name, her location, and whether there had been any complications — before leaving the hospital’s recovery room.

But someone else was regularly checking in, too: her employer, which paid to gain access to the intimate details of its workers' personal lives, from their trying-to-conceive months to early motherhood. Diller's bosses could look up aggregate data on how many workers using Ovia's fertility, pregnancy and parenting apps had faced high-risk pregnancies or gave birth prematurely; the top medical questions they had researched; and how soon they had returned to work.

"Maybe I'm naive, but I thought of it as positive reinforcement: They're trying to help me take care of myself," said Diller, 39, an event planner in Los Angeles for the video-game company Activision Blizzard. The decision to track her pregnancy had been made easier by the $1 a day in gift cards the company paid her to use the app: That's "diaper and formula money," she said.

(Philip Cheung  |  For the Washington Post)  Diana Diller, 39, an event planner, stands with her daughter Simone at their home in Los Angeles. Diller used Ovia to track her pregnancy with Simone.
(Philip Cheung | For the Washington Post) Diana Diller, 39, an event planner, stands with her daughter Simone at their home in Los Angeles. Diller used Ovia to track her pregnancy with Simone. (Philip Cheung/)

Period- and pregnancy-tracking apps such as Ovia have climbed in popularity as fun, friendly companions for the daunting uncertainties of childbirth, and many expectant women check in daily to see, for instance, how their unborn baby's size compares to different fruits or Parisian desserts.

But Ovia also has become a powerful monitoring tool for employers and health insurers, which under the banner of corporate wellness have aggressively pushed to gather more data about their workers' lives than ever before.

Employers who pay the apps’ developer, Ovia Health, can offer their workers a special version of the apps that relays their health data — in a “de-identified,” aggregated form — to an internal employer website accessible by human resources personnel. The companies offer it alongside other health benefits and incentivize workers to input as much about their bodies as they can, saying the data can help the companies minimize health-care spending, discover medical problems and better plan for the months ahead.

Emboldened by the popularity of Fitbits and other tracking technologies, Ovia has marketed itself as shepherding one of the oldest milestones in human existence into the digital age. By giving counseling and feedback on mothers' progress, executives said, Ovia has helped women conceive after months of infertility and even saved the lives of women who wouldn't otherwise have realized they were at risk.

But health and privacy advocates say this new generation of "menstrual surveillance" tools is pushing the limits of what women will share about one of the most sensitive moments of their lives. The apps, they say, are designed largely to benefit not the women but their employers and insurers, who gain a sweeping new benchmark on which to assess their workers as they consider the next steps for their families and careers.

Experts worry that companies could use the data to bump up the cost or scale back the coverage of health-care benefits, or that women's intimate information could be exposed in data breaches or security risks. And though the data is made anonymous, experts also fear that the companies could identify women based on information relayed in confidence, particularly in workplaces where few women are pregnant at any given time.

"What could possibly be the most optimistic, best-faith reason for an employer to know how many high-risk pregnancies their employees have? So they can put more brochures in the break room?" asked Karen Levy, a Cornell University assistant professor who has researched family and workplace monitoring.

"The real benefit of self-tracking is always to the company," Levy said. "People are being asked to do this at a time when they're incredibly vulnerable and may not have any sense where that data is being passed."

Ovia chief executive Paris Wallace said the company complies with privacy laws and provides the aggregate data so companies can evaluate how their workforces' health outcomes have changed over time. The health information is sensitive, he said, but could also play a critical role in boosting women's well-being and companies' bottom lines.

“We are in a women’s health crisis, and it’s impacting people’s lives and their children’s lives,” he said, pointing to the country’s rising rates of premature births and maternal deaths. “But it’s also impacting the folks who are responsible for these outcomes — both financially and for the health of the members they’re accountable for.”

The rise of pregnancy-tracking apps shows how some companies increasingly view the human body as a technological gold mine, rich with a vast range of health data their algorithms can track and analyze.

Companies pay for Ovia's "family benefits solution" package on a per-employee basis, but Ovia also makes money off targeted in-app advertising, including from sellers of fertility-support supplements, life insurance, cord-blood banking and cleaning products.

An Ovia spokeswoman said the company does not sell aggregate data for advertising purposes. But women who use Ovia must consent to its 6,000-word "terms of use," which grant the company a "royalty-free, perpetual, and irrevocable license, throughout the universe" to "utilize and exploit" their de-identified personal information for scientific research and "marketing purposes." Ovia may also "sell, lease or lend aggregated Personal Information to third parties," the document adds.

Milt Ezzard, the vice president of global benefits for Activision Blizzard, a video gaming giant that earned $7.5 billion last year with franchises such as "Call of Duty" and "World of Warcraft," credits acceptance of Ovia there to a changing workplace culture where volunteering sensitive information has become more commonplace.

In 2014, when the company rolled out incentives for workers who tracked their physical activity with a Fitbit, some employees voiced concerns over what they called a privacy-infringing overreach. But as the company offered more health tracking — including for mental health, sleep, diet, autism and cancer care — Ezzard said workers grew more comfortable with the trade-off and enticed by the financial benefits.

"Each time we introduced something, there was a bit of an outcry: 'You're prying into our lives,' " Ezzard said. "But we slowly increased the sensitivity of stuff, and eventually people understood it's all voluntary, there's no gun to your head, and we're going to reward you if you choose to do it."

With more than 10 million users, Ovia's tracking services are now some of the most downloaded medical apps in America, and the company says it has collected billions of data points into what it calls "one of the largest data sets on women's health in the world."

Ovia's corporate deals with employers and insurers have seen "triple-digit growth" in recent years, Wallace said. The company would not say how many companies it works with, but the number of employees at those companies is around 10 million, a statistic Ovia refers to as "covered lives."

Ovia pitches its app to companies as a health-care aid for women to better understand their bodies during a mystifying phase of life. In marketing materials, it says women who have tracked themselves with Ovia showed a 30 percent reduction in premature births, a 30 percent increase in natural conception, and a higher rate of identifying the signs of postpartum depression. (An Ovia spokeswoman said those statistics come from an internal return-on-investment calculator that "has been favorably reviewed by actuaries from two national insurance companies.")

But a key element of Ovia’s sales pitch is how companies can cut back on medical costs and help usher women back to work. Pregnant women who track themselves, the company says, will live healthier, feel more in control, and be less likely to give birth prematurely or via a C-section, both of which cost more in medical bills — for the family and the employer.

Women wanting to get pregnant are told they can rely on Ovia's "fertility algorithms," which analyze their menstrual data and suggest good times to try to conceive, potentially saving money on infertility treatments. "An average of 33 hours of productivity are lost for every round of treatment," an Ovia marketing document says.

For employers who fund workers' health insurance, pregnancy can be one of the biggest and most unpredictable health-care expenses. In 2014, AOL chief executive Tim Armstrong defended the company's cuts to retirement benefits by blaming the high medical expenses that arose from two employees giving birth to "distressed babies."

But some health and privacy experts say there are many reasons a woman who is pregnant or trying to conceive wouldn't want to tell her boss, and they worry the data could be used in a way that puts new moms at a disadvantage.

"The fact that women's pregnancies are being tracked that closely by employers is very disturbing," said Deborah Peel, a psychiatrist and founder of the Texas nonprofit Patient Privacy Rights. "There's so much discrimination against mothers and families in the workplace, and they can't trust their employer to have their best interests at heart."

Ovia's soft pastels and cheery text lend a friendly air to the process of transmitting private health information to one's employer, and the app gives daily nudges to remind women to log their progress with messages such as, "You're beautiful! How are you feeling today?"

But experts say they are unnerved by the sheer volume and detail of data that women are expected to offer up. Pregnant women can log details of their sleep, diet, mood and weight, while women who are trying to conceive can record when they had sex, how they're feeling, and the look and color of their cervical fluid.

After birth, the app asks for the baby's name, sex and weight; who performed the delivery and where; the birth type, such as vaginal or an unplanned C-section; how long labor lasted; whether it included an epidural; and the details of any complications, such as whether there was a breech or postpartum hemorrhage.

The app also allows women to report whether they had a miscarriage or pregnancy loss, including the date and "type of loss," such as whether the baby was stillborn.

Much of this information is viewable only by the worker. But the company can access a vast range of aggregated data about its employees, including their average age, number of children and current trimester; the average time it took them to get pregnant; the percentage who had high-risk pregnancies, conceived after a stretch of infertility, had C-sections or gave birth prematurely; and how soon the new moms had returned to work.

Companies can also see which articles are most read in Ovia's apps, offering them a potential road map to their workers' personal questions or anxieties. The how-to guides touch on virtually every aspect of a woman's changing body, mood, financial needs and lifestyle in hyper-intimate detail, including filing for disability, treating bodily aches and discharges, and suggestions for sex positions during pregnancy.

The company says it does not do paid clinical trials but provides data to researchers, including for a 2017 study that cited Ovia data from more than 6,000 women on how they chose their obstetricians. But even some researchers worry about ways the information might be used.

"As a clinician researcher, I can see the benefit of analyzing large data sets," said Paula Castaño, an obstetrician-gynecologist and associate professor at Columbia University who has studied menstrual-tracking apps. But a lot of the Ovia data given to employers, she said, "raise concerns with their lack of general clinical applicability and focus on variables that affect time out of work and insurance utilization."

Diller, the Activision Blizzard employee, said she was never troubled by Ovia privacy worries. She loved being able to show her friends what size pastry her unborn daughter was and would log her data every night while lying in bed and ticking through her other health apps, including trackers for food, sleep and "mindfulness."

When she reported the birth in Ovia, the app triggered a burst of virtual confetti and then directed her to download Ovia’s parenting app, where she could track not just her health data but her newborn daughter’s, too. It was an easy decision. On the app’s home screen, she uploaded the first photo of her newly expanded family.

Dana Milbank: Candace Owens’ presence turned a serious inquiry into a farce

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Washington • The new Democratic House majority held a hearing Tuesday on the rise of white nationalism, following the mosques massacre in New Zealand, the Pittsburgh synagogue killings and the deadly neo-Nazi march in Charlottesville.

Republicans invited Candace Owens to testify.

That would be the Candace Owens whom the alleged perpetrator of the New Zealand atrocity called “the person who has influenced me above all.” It’s not clear whether he was sincere in saying that, but perfectly clear was Owens’ glib dismissal of the notion that her words could have encouraged such evil: “LOL!” and “HAHA.” She said the American left tied her to the carnage because it feared her “Blexit” plan to have black people quit the Democratic Party.

That’s also the same Candace Owens who in December said “if Hitler had just wanted to make Germany great and have things run well, OK, fine. The problem is that he wanted — he had dreams outside of Germany. He wanted to globalize.” She later clarified that it was not “fine” that Adolf Hitler was “a homicidal, psychotic maniac.”

Owens, a 29-year-old African American provocateur, first ran an anti-Trump website that made fun of Donald Trump's genitals, then became a conservative favorite on the Infowars conspiracy website. In recent months, she erroneously claimed that bombs sent to prominent Democrats by a Trump supporter had actually come from leftists; told France to "defend your culture" against Muslims; said "Europe will fall" to Islam and sharia law by 2050; and mused whether "something biochemically happens" to women who do not marry or have children.

President Trump praised Owens in a tweet last year, and the white nationalist Richard Spencer called her "the last stand of implicit white identity, a creation of conservative white people who want to socially signal just how not racist they are."

If Republicans were hoping to sabotage the Judiciary Committee's hearing, they got what they wanted. Owens' presence turned a serious inquiry — there were representatives from civil rights groups, social media and a Muslim man whose daughters were killed in a hate crime — into farce.

Owens said the Republicans' Southern strategy "never happened." She said the rise in hate crimes was fake, from "manipulating statistics." She called the Ku Klux Klan a "Democrat terrorist organization." She mocked Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, D-N.Y.; proclaimed that "the Russian collusion hoax has fallen apart"; declared that Trump is "bringing everybody together"; and said the real "family separation" crisis is "black babies separated from the wombs of black mothers."

Rep. Ted Lieu, D-Calif., played the clip of Owens' remarks about Hitler.

Owens responded: "I think it's pretty apparent that Mr. Lieu believes that black people are stupid" because he didn't play "the full clip in its entirety."

The chairman, Jerrold Nadler, D-N.Y., told her not to "refer disparagingly to a member of the committee."

"Sure, even though I was called 'despicable,'" retorted Owens, who also said Nadler had an "anti-black bias."

The "despicable" remark that offended Owens came from Rep. David N. Cicilline, D-R.I.: "I regret that there are some on this panel that have tried to hijack this hearing and desecrate the lives lost to the hate crimes and violence of white supremacists … I think that is despicable."

Attempted hijacking was a fair description of what Republicans did Tuesday. They also invited to testify Morton Klein of the far-right Zionist Organization of America, who used the pulpit to denounce the “vicious anti-Semitic remarks” of Rep. Ilhan Omar, D-Minn. He said verses from the Koran inspire “constant murder of Jews in Israel.” Klein was invited to testify even though he recently wrote of “evil murders by your filthy Arab Islamist despicable brethren.”

Owens was more flamboyant. She declared that "I'm adamantly against victimhood," then repeatedly portrayed herself as a victim. (Antifa "threw water at me" and "threw eggs at me.") She decried "name calling" — while calling Democrats "disgusting," "cowardly" and "unbelievably dishonest."

Even if Republicans wanted a provocateur, couldn't they have found somebody else?

Whatever their motives, Republicans frequently sought validation Tuesday from Owens, who has spoken about the need to overcome "white guilt."

Rep. Steve Chabot, R-Ohio, for example, asked Owens to describe the "hate you experienced" for being a conservative. She obliged.

And Rep. Ken Buck, R-Colo., asked whether her pro-life views "trigger people" (answer: yes). He coaxed: "Tell me a little about how the president has helped the black community." Answer: "He's getting us off our feet," and conservatives are "so supportive."

"Thank God we have you," Buck remarked.

Dana Milbank | The Washington Post
Dana Milbank | The Washington Post

Follow Dana Milbank on Twitter, @Milbank.

The inside story of how Real Salt Lake’s traditionally divided supporters groups have finally united under one flag

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In the moments before Real Salt Lake kicked off its 2019 home opener against the Vancouver Whitcaps, after the Unity Gospel Choir finished singing the national anthems for the United States and Canada, a group of fans behind the south goal of Rio Tinto Stadium made their way down the stairs.

Each of them held a section of a giant piece of painted cloth. With each step, what they held slowly revealed itself to be a tifo, which is any type of visual display showing support for a soccer team. RSL’s tifo spanned nearly the entirety of the seats on the south end of the stadium. On it read, “We are The Riot” in blue and “Estamos Unidos” (We are United) in red.

The moment marked the first time RSL’s many supporters groups united under one flag. The new contingent calls itself The Riot. It was such a milestone that the team pointed it out in a pregame email sent to media.

It also marked the potential end of years in which the six official RSL supporters groups — Riot Brigade, Salt City United, La Barra Real, Rogue Cavaliers Brigade, Section 26 and Section 35 — each sang their own chants, on their own time, in their own way. Previous attempts to band together had failed.

The divided loyalties at RSL games have been an anomaly in MLS, where most teams typically have one or two dominant supporters groups backing them at home games — think the Timbers Army in Portland — who are united and coordinated in terms of chants and activities. RSL’s half-dozen groups, meanwhile, have been marked as much by rivalry as cohesion.

It took time, compromise, and even an assist from coach Mike Petke and the RSL front office. But these once-divided groups got it done, and finally feel like they’re on the right track.

“This is the most united I’ve seen them,” said Todd Nate, a leader of Riot Brigade.

A coach’s request

Talks to figure out somehow, some way to bring the supporters groups together were ongoing long before this season’s home opener. But it was during the offseason when those conversations started to hit a turning point of productivity.

Petke requested to meet with leaders of the the supporters groups to discuss what it would take to get them unified, and how he and the front office could help. Once he sat down with them, he gave what he called a presentation, detailing what he would like to see from the supporters and what kind of culture he wants to build for RSL home games.

“It was just an open conversation and I threw myself out there to say, ‘I’ll do what you guys need. Just let me know.’ But this is what I would like,” Petke said recently.

That wasn’t all Petke did. He also offered to make players available for a short time after games to connect with supporters, and suggested a supporters group-only picnic organized by the team, said Thomas Welker, who represents Section 26 on the supporters groups’ leadership council.

The RSL higher-ups helped, too. They provided the supporters groups with the conference room for meetings, opened the stadium so the groups can hold chant practices, and facilitated a warehouse space where the tifo could be made, Welker said.

CJ Arsenault, vice president of RCB, said having Petke’s support was a motivating factor in getting the groups to come together.

“I think having him and the players invested in it and hearing from them that, ‘We want this, we appreciate when you guys do that,’ kind of gives us a little bit more incentive to do it and do it right,” Arsenault said, adding that it was “unprecedented” for an RSL coach to get involved as Petke did.

(Rick Egan  |  The Salt Lake Tribune)     Morgan Law waves a flag as he cheers for Real Salt Lake, in MLS soccer action at Rio Tinto Stadium in Sandy, Saturday, March 9, 2019.
(Rick Egan | The Salt Lake Tribune) Morgan Law waves a flag as he cheers for Real Salt Lake, in MLS soccer action at Rio Tinto Stadium in Sandy, Saturday, March 9, 2019. (Rick Egan/)

A strenuous past

This new venture is actually not very new at all. There have been several attempts over the years to unite the supporters groups, but all of them quickly fizzled out. At one point, they were called the Royal Army.

But concerns about individual supporters groups losing their identities, coupled with the feeling that RSL’s front office was forcing them to unite instead letting that happen organically, were the main sticking points that made joining as one group difficult, Arsenault said.

Another snag was merely the manner in which each group supports the team. The groups on the south end cheer loudly, play their instruments even louder, and do it for practically the entire 90 minutes.

The other two groups — Section 26 and 35 — however, are made up of more mild-mannered fans. They cheer, and some are loud. But they also like to sit and watch the game with their friends and family.

Welker said that in years past, no one group wanted to be in led in chants by another, and those in the south end took the position that they were going to do their chants and others could join if they wanted.

But all of those hangups seemed to have gone by the wayside. The groups are learning each other’s chants in both English and Spanish, picking specific chants for specific points in the game, and have plans to make different tifos throughout the season.

“Now people have realized that we don’t do any good supporting the team separately,” Welker said. “We’re much better off when we’re united and supporting together. I think people are realizing that and I think it’s making a big difference.”

A hopeful future

After RSL beat Vancouver, the team, along with its supporters, revealed a new tradition that will occur after every home win. Kyle Beckerman, who was named Man of the Match by Petke, planted a team flag in front of the south goal in honor of when former RSL defender Brian Dunseth did it after scoring a goal that marked the franchise’s first-ever win back in 2005.

That idea came about through deliberation among the supporters group council, which wanted a celebration unique to the club. Someone brought up Dunseth’s goal celebration, and it stuck.

“That was the best idea that came up,” Arsenault said. “It’s go all the way back to the beginning. Everyone loved that so let’s just keep it rolling.”

The new tradition provides a glimpse of what’s to come. But no one really knows how sustainable the united front will be. However, there are different levels of optimism around the supporters groups.

“I guess we’ll see,” Nate said when asked if the groups can sustain their newfound unity. “I hope so. I think that’s what everybody wants. I think people just have to put their egos aside and realize we’re here for Real.”

Even members of the team are encouraged. Corey Baird said after the Vancouver game that he liked the energy the south-end supporters displayed and called it “infectious.” Petke said recently that the supporters are an extension of the team, and having them united was “key” for RSL and the stadium’s environment.

“I don’t think it’s going to happen overnight, but I think tonight was a good sign,” Petke said after the Vancouver game. “I think the environment tonight was pretty damn good down there.”

Jeremy Johnson, a leader of Salt City United, said the groups joining forces will also encourage casual fans to become supporters of RSL.

“We just need to come over as one umbrella group so it’s more inviting, get more people to go,” Johnson said. “So that’s why we’re making such a big deal about it.”

But Arsenault’s optimism was a little more measured. He said he has seen previous attempts to join the supporters groups falter even before this point of the current season. But he admitted that he senses a different vibe with this attempt.

“This time around feels better than the last couple of years,” Arsenault said. “But at the same, time I’ve seen how quick it can turn. So I’m cautiously optimistic this time.”

BYU-Idaho students protest for changes to Honor Code enforcement. School officials decline to talk.

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(Rick Egan  |  The Salt Lake Tribune)   BYU Idaho students chant as they march in protest. asking for changes in the honor code at BYU Idaho in Rexburg, ID, Wednesday, April 10, 2019.


(Rick Egan  |  The Salt Lake Tribune)   BYU Idaho student Jaron Rose chants as he marches with a group of students asking for changes in the honor code at BYU Idaho in Rexburg, ID, Wednesday, April 10, 2019.


(Rick Egan  |  The Salt Lake Tribune)   BYU Idaho students chant and hold signs tas hey protest for changes in the honor code at BYU Idaho in Rexburg, ID, Wednesday, April 10, 2019.


(Rick Egan  |  The Salt Lake Tribune)   BYU Idaho student Jenna Hall chants as he marches with a group of students asking for changes in the honor code at BYU Idaho in Rexburg, ID, Wednesday, April 10, 2019.


(Rick Egan  |  The Salt Lake Tribune)   BYU Idaho student Garrett Mathews protests  with a group of students asking for changes in the honor code at BYU Idaho in Rexburg, ID, Wednesday, April 10, 2019.


(Rick Egan  |  The Salt Lake Tribune) Students gather for a demonstration to push for changes in how the Honor Code is enforced at BYU Idaho in Rexburg, Idaho, on Wednesday, April 10, 2019.(Rick Egan  |  The Salt Lake Tribune)   BYU Idaho students chant and hold signs tas hey protest for changes in the honor code at BYU Idaho in Rexburg, ID, Wednesday, April 10, 2019.


(Rick Egan  |  The Salt Lake Tribune)   BYU Idaho students chant and hold signs they protest for changes in the honor code at BYU Idaho in Rexburg, ID, Wednesday, April 10, 2019.


(Rick Egan  |  The Salt Lake Tribune)   BYU Idaho students chant and hold signs they protest for changes in the honor code at BYU Idaho in Rexburg, ID, Wednesday, April 10, 2019.


(Rick Egan  |  The Salt Lake Tribune)   BYU Idaho student Garrett Mathews (left) protests  with a group of students asking for changes in the honor code at BYU Idaho in Rexburg, ID, Wednesday, April 10, 2019.


(Rick Egan  |  The Salt Lake Tribune)   Grey Woodhouse chants as she marches with BYU Idaho students, as they march in protest. asking for changes in the honor code at BYU Idaho in Rexburg, ID, Wednesday, April 10, 2019.


(Rick Egan  |  The Salt Lake Tribune)   Grey Woodhouse (left) gives directions before marching with BYU Idaho students, as they march in protest. asking for changes in the honor code at BYU Idaho in Rexburg, ID, Wednesday, April 10, 2019.


(Rick Egan  |  The Salt Lake Tribune)   BYU Idaho students chant and hold signs they protest for changes in the honor code at BYU Idaho in Rexburg, ID, Wednesday, April 10, 2019.


(Rick Egan  |  The Salt Lake Tribune)   BYU Idaho students chant as they march in protest. asking for changes in the honor code at BYU Idaho in Rexburg, ID, Wednesday, April 10, 2019.


(Rick Egan  |  The Salt Lake Tribune)   BYU Idaho students chant as they march in protest. asking for changes in the honor code at BYU Idaho in Rexburg, ID, Wednesday, April 10, 2019.


(Rick Egan  |  The Salt Lake Tribune)   BYU Idaho students chant as they march in protest. asking for changes in the honor code at BYU Idaho in Rexburg, ID, Wednesday, April 10, 2019.


(Rick Egan  |  The Salt Lake Tribune)   BYU Idaho student Jenna Hall chants as he marches with a group of students asking for changes in the honor code at BYU Idaho in Rexburg, ID, Wednesday, April 10, 2019.


(Rick Egan  |  The Salt Lake Tribune)   BYU Idaho students chant and hold signs they protest for changes in the honor code at BYU Idaho in Rexburg, ID, Wednesday, April 10, 2019.


(Rick Egan  |  The Salt Lake Tribune)   BYU Idaho students chant as they march in protest. asking for changes in the honor code at BYU Idaho in Rexburg, ID, Wednesday, April 10, 2019.


(Rick Egan  |  The Salt Lake Tribune)   BYU Idaho students chant and hold signs they protest for changes in the honor code at BYU Idaho in Rexburg, ID, Wednesday, April 10, 2019.

Rexburg, Idaho • With 75 letters in hand asking for change, a trio of student protesters at Brigham Young University’s Idaho campus went to the Honor Code Office with hopes of talking to university officials about ways to make the enforcement of the code of conduct more humane.

As nearly 200 supportive students waved signs, chanted and waited outside on the public sidewalk, the three were told no one in the Honor Code Office had the time to talk to them.

That wasn’t good enough, organizer Grey Woodhouse said.

So they went next door, to the Dean of Students Office. But there, too, they were told everyone on campus was too busy to meet with them. So, these protesters handed off the letters and left.

“We had high hopes but low expectations,” Woodhouse said. “Going in there was terrifying.”

The brush off also made them feel small, she said afterward.

But the young organizers walked away from their protest feeling successful. They had anticipated maybe 30 people would show up to march around the Rexburg campus — probably just her friends and friends of fellow organizer Leanne Larson.

But instead, dozens and dozens of students came out to march around the campus perimeter, holding signs and chanting “What do we want? Reform! When do we want it? Now!”

They took up positions on street corners, cheering every time a passing car honked in support.

“I think this is just the beginning,” Larson said. “I think change will happen.”

The Rexburg protest is one of two planned this week on BYU campuses. The other will take place Friday in Provo, the Latter-day Saint faith’s flagship school where students also plan to march letters to the Honor Code Office seeking a softer approach. The student reaction comes after a renewed criticism that the private university — which is owned by The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints — cares more about punishing students who violate the religious rules rather than helping them.

The organizers in Idaho and Provo have similar aims. They want to do away with anonymous reporting of student misconduct, allowing it only when a student has been the victim of assault or abuse. They want Honor Code administrators to receive better training, and they want a student advocate to be part of the process. They further requested that a deadline be set, when students cannot be investigated for Honor Code violations that are more than a year old, among other requests.

The outcry for change has been building for months but took off last week after a BYU graduate started an anonymous Instagram account to post about her experience with the office and to ask other students to share theirs.

Many of the young students who marched around the campus Wednesday said it was those stories on the Instagram page that motivated them to protest.

As he marched with a sign with the message, “Bring Christ back into the HC Office,” junior Eli Wood said he read those posts, and thought of his friends in the LGBT community who felt they could not be themselves while attending the school. He said he once confessed something to his bishop, and was scared that he might be kicked out of the university as a result.

“I feel like they don’t try to help you,” he said of the Honor Code Office. “They just kick you out.”

Kathryn, a student who asked to be identified by only her first name, said she was protesting because she felt the Honor Code was often used as a weapon, a threat that roommates could lord over one another if they had disagreements.

She recalled a time last year when she was having a panic attack and her boyfriend came to her apartment to give her a blessing. Her roommates threatened to turn her in for breaking the rules — men are not allowed in their rooms — so she turned herself in, fearful that it would far worse if her roommates reported her instead. She left the office with a warning.

Aubrey Higginson, a sophomore at the Idaho university, said she decided to march after hearing stories like her friend, who had gotten in trouble with the Honor Code Office for breaking curfew just before she was supposed to leave to serve as a church missionary. It nearly drove her friend to leave the church.

“It should bring people to the church,” she said of the university and its Honor Code. “It just needs some updating.”

BYU-Idaho officials did not respond to a request for comment about the protest Wednesday.

University officials in Provo did meet with students earlier this week to discuss their concerns, but the Provo organizers say they still plan to hold their march Friday.

Most of the students sharing their stories say they support the church, BYU and the campus rules. Their objections focus on how the school handles allegations of misconduct and imposes punishment.

Many want to end pressure to report on their peers, a culture that has been largely encouraged up to now by school and faith leaders, they say. Some want the office to focus on academic integrity, such as cheating.

Kevin Utt, the director of the Honor Code Office on the Provo campus, responded to issues raised by students on the Instagram account and elsewhere with a Q&A posted Wednesday on the university’s website.

Utt said the school does not investigate anonymous reports, “except where the reported behavior could impact the physical safety of members of our campus community.” He said students cannot get in trouble for failing to report misconduct to the office.

He also said bishops and the office do not share information with each other without a student’s prior written consent; and that many accused students are unaware they can bring someone with them to meetings with the office for support.

The post didn’t specify how long the policies Utt described have been in place. He became the director in January after serving for four months as assistant director, it said, and has been meeting with students to hear their concerns.

Most cases handled by the Provo campus office are initiated by students reporting themselves, Utt said, and the “vast majority” of the students remain enrolled. On average, between 10 and 15 students are expelled a year, from a population of 33,000 students, he said. The post did not provide numbers for students suspended from enrolling in classes.

“Our goal is to help students come back into good standing as quickly as possible,” Utt said. “... Honor Code Office actions are intended to develop students’ moral and ethical decision-making.”

Campus officials in Rexburg did not respond to questions about the policies there, and it’s unclear whether the policies Utt described differ from practices in Rexburg. An Idaho student told The Tribune last week that a congregation leader, at her student ward’s first worship service last fall, told students they need to report violations by their roommates. In a later conversation, she said, he told her “... I was breaking Honor Code if I didn’t report my roommates.”

The Instagram account sharing Honor Code stories also brought new life to a year-old petition to reform how the church’s schools enforce the Honor Code, which prohibits premarital sex, sets certain rules for when and how dating occurs, contains a dress code and prohibits the consumption of alcohol, drugs, coffee and tea.

The petition — which raises many of the same issues students are discussing online these past few weeks — had gathered just a few thousand signatures after its initial launch a year ago.

It started to gain traction last month after several former BYU athletes took to social media expressing their frustration with the way the school has handled investigations into student misconduct. Those former athletes were responding to a Feb. 28 article in The Salt Lake Tribune that detailed how state investigators found that a former BYU police lieutenant looked at private reports created by other Utah County law enforcement agencies and passed information to university officials — including those working in the Honor Code Office.

That petition now has well more than 20,000 signatures.

As part of sweeping reform in 2016, BYU granted amnesty for Honor Code violations to students reporting sexual abuse. Some students said BYU had disciplined them if they were violating the code at the time they were allegedly assaulted; others said they did not report sex crimes because they feared such punishment.


Victims of Parkland shooting sue school board, sheriff

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Fort Lauderdale, Fla. • Survivors and family members of the slain victims of the school shooting in Parkland, Florida, sued the school board, sheriff’s office and others for negligence Wednesday, saying the agencies initially had promised a financial settlement but secretly worked behind the scenes to prevent a deal.

More than two dozen family members and survivors filed 22 lawsuits in state court in South Florida against the School Board of Broward County; the Broward Sheriff's Office; former deputy Scott Peterson, who was a school resource officer; Andrew Medina, who was a school security monitor; and Henderson Behavioral Health Clinic, a mental health facility where suspect Nikolas Cruz was treated.

Cruz is accused of fatally shooting 17 people at Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School on Valentine's Day in 2018.

"It's a daily struggle. They are not the people they were before February 14," Lisa Olson, whose son, William, was shot in each arm, said at a news conference. "My son didn't go to school today. He couldn't and we have many days like that now."

Cathleen Brennan, a school district spokeswoman, said the district doesn't comment on pending or ongoing litigation. The sheriff's office didn't immediately respond to a request for comment.

Cruz, 20, a former student at the school, remains jailed, charged with 17 counts of first-degree murder. He has offered to plead guilty if prosecutors take the death penalty off the table. Prosecutors have refused.

Immediately after the shooting, the families of the victims were approached by the sheriff's office and school board representatives "who said all the right things. They wanted to be a part of the solution...They wanted to help bring justice. We took them at their word," said Todd Michaels, attorney for the family of Joaquin Oliver, who was killed.

Instead, the agencies hired a law firm to lobby the Florida Legislature behind the scenes to stop the resolution, Michaels said.

Mitch Dworet, who lost one son in the shooting and another son was injured, said he wants someone to be held accountable.

“There were failures,” Dworet said. “I want to be in court.”

Utah cornerback Javelin Guidry may be as fast as anyone in college football, but speed is only part of his game

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Utah cornerback Javelin Guidry already is regarded as the fastest player in the modern history of Ute football, defined as the 25-plus years that coach Kyle Whittingham has worked in the program.

He's determined to be even faster.

Guidry devoted part of the winter to training and competing as a sprinter, applying the logic that such conditioning would help him in football. “Speed,” Guidry said this week, “is everything.”

That’s a good starting point in the 5-foot-9, 190-pound Guidry’s job description as a slot corner, anyway. He’s charged with covering receivers of all shapes and sizes and making tackles, playing almost a linebacker’s role at times in Utah’s standard scheme that uses five defensive backs.

Guidry tied Auburn receiver Anthony Schwartz for the fastest 60-meter time (6.59) seconds by a college football player this past winter, while winning his race in the Washington Invitational in Seattle. He qualified for the USA Track & Field Indoor Championships in New York and finished sixth, as the top collegiate runner — after not having competed since high school in 2017.

“It was a great experience,” Guidry said. “It was a blessing to be able to do it again. … I know what I'm capable of. I could have done better if I fully trained for it, but just being able to go out there and compete with those guys in the finals was great.”

Steve Odom, a receiver/kick returner and track star for Utah in the early 1970s, likely is the only former Ute whose speed ever could have rivaled Guidry's.

“His linear speed is elite; Olympic-like,” said Utah cornerbacks coach Sharrieff Shah. “He wants to compete. He never gets tired of getting faster.”

Guidry's love of football is among the attributes Shah values; he enjoys running almost as much.

Guidry became a state champion in the 100 meters in both Texas and California, having spent part of his high school years in Texas, where his mother attended medical school. Because Utah lacks a men's track and field program, Guidry ran unattached in Seattle in January and won the 60 meters in 6.59 seconds. Schwartz also was clocked in that time in a February meet at Clemson.

Schwartz earned praise last season as being more than merely a fast runner. Same story with Guidry, who can bench-press 300 pounds multiple times, according to Shah, who labels him “abnormally strong for his size.”

That strength helps him as much as his speed in coverage and tackling. Pro Football Focus' evaluators gave Guidry outstanding grades last season in each category and Shah believes he can become a “menacing” tackler.

“Not all track guys like contact,” Shah said. “Not all track guys are built the way that he’s built. … He’s incredibly smart and he loves football – he doesn’t like it, he loves it.”

Guidry is known to walk off the practice field and send text messages to Shah, asking what the film says he could have done better on certain plays. “I just want to work on the mental aspect of my game,: said Guidry, who will concentrate on preparing for his junior year of football this summer, rather than compete as a sprinter.

He may re-enter that arena next winter, after his sixth-place finish in the USATF meet was disappointing to him. Shah reminded him, “Buddy, these people make money doing this. You’re an amateur.”

Maybe so, but that level of competitiveness and high expectations for himself are good traits. “You love that he is so driven,” Shah said. “I just love that kid. He never settles.”



Police: 1 dead, 15 injured in North Carolina gas explosion

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Durham, N.C. • A gas explosion that partially collapsed a North Carolina building and set it ablaze Wednesday morning killed one person and injured more than a dozen others, police said.

Police cars blocked the streets near the explosion in downtown Durham and a thick, acrid smoke hung over the shopping district created from remodeled tobacco warehouses. At least two ladder trucks sprayed blasts of water into the smoldering rubble nearly two hours after the explosion.

Durham Police Department spokesman Wil Glenn said a contractor boring under a sidewalk hit a 2-inch gas line, triggering the explosion. One person was killed and 15 were taken to area hospitals, Glenn said at a news conference. Information on their conditions was not available.

Jim Rogalski, 58, was working in his office across the street from the destroyed building when the explosion blew out the windows. At least four people working in cubicles along those windows suffered deep cuts, bloody head wounds and other injuries, he said.

"There was lots of screaming. ..." Rogalski said. "It was pretty frantic there for a little bit until help showed up."

Rogalski was seated one row away from the windows and wasn't hurt.

"It was terrifying," he said. "The whole building shook. Things started falling — ceiling tiles, and structure and glass and debris. Lots and lots of dust. It was tough to see beyond 20 feet or so."

The explosion came about 15 minutes after the office's human resources manager sent an email warning that the city's fire department was investigating the smell of gas and that workers shouldn't leave the building through the front door, he said as a friend gave him a ride home to Chapel Hill. Rogalski said he was forced to abandon his car in a nearby parking deck because authorities worried the blast may have weakened the structure.

The building exploded shortly after 10 a.m., about 30 minutes after firefighters were called to the scene of a gas leak, the city of Durham said in a news release.

Dominion Energy said in a press release Wednesday that subsidiary company PSNC Energy had received a call about "third-party" damage to a natural gas line in Durham. A PSNC worker responded, and the explosion "occurred shortly thereafter." The company said additional crews arrived and shut off the gas.

Dominion said it's continuing to work with emergency officials and more information will come out later. The firm added that its "thoughts and prayers are with those impacted by this tragic event as well as their families."

A firefighter and a Dominion employee were among the injured, police spokeswoman Kammie Michael said in a news release.

Blocks away, the blast shattered windows and blew at least one door off its hinges in the Brightleaf shopping district. Ed Rains was on a nearby street and couldn't see the blast but heard it. "I thought someone had dropped a dumpster on the street," he said.

Tracy Telenko was at his desk in his third-floor Durham office when he heard the explosion and saw black smoke billowing up.

"My first thought, because there was construction going on around my building, was something fell, somebody doing construction dropped something," he said.

Telenko said he went home after his boss told employees they could leave if they didn't feel safe in their office.

At nearby Durham School of the Arts, students were evacuated and classes dismissed for the day. Al Donaldson, a teacher at the school, was walking through a hallway in a building about two blocks from the blast when he heard a loud noise, which concerned faculty and students.

"We didn't know the origin at the time," he said. "I was in the hallway, so I didn't so much feel it shake as experiencing a jarring sound."

The collapsed building is occupied by Prescient Co., which said in July 2017 that it was moving its headquarters from Arvada, Colorado, and expected to employ about 60 executives, engineering and sales workers in Durham. The company uses specialized software to design and build precise materials that allow builders to assemble multi-story apartments, hotels and other commercial buildings faster and cheaper.

A coffee shop in the building, Kaffeinate, posted a sign this morning saying it was closed for the day.

Emery P. Dalesio and Martha Waggoner in Raleigh; Tom Foreman Jr. in Charlotte; and Ben Finley in Norfolk, Virginia, contributed to this story.

Trump says only 1 person is in charge of immigration: Him

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Washington • President Donald Trump says there’s only one person in charge of his immigration policy: Him.

Asked by reporters Wednesday whether he had considered tapping his influential aide, Stephen Miller, to lead the Department of Homeland Security given Miller's focus on the issue, Trump was ready with praise — but not a promotion.

"Stephen is an excellent guy. He's wonderful person... He's a brilliant man," Trump said as he departed for Texas. But "frankly, there's only one person that's running it," Trump said. "You know who that is? It's me."

Trump on Sunday announced that Kevin McAleenan, the commissioner of United States Customs and Border Protection, would be taking over as acting secretary in the wake of Kirstjen Nielsen’s sudden departure.

Asked whether Trump was considering nominating McAleenan as his permanent secretary, Trump said "could happen."

"We have others, but right now he's the man," said Trump.

The comments came a day after Trump said he was not looking to revive the much-criticized practice of separating migrant children from their families at the southern border, as he has privately threatened, amid bipartisan pushback to his shake-up at Homeland Security. At the same time, he suggested the policy had worked to deter migrants from coming into the U.S., although he offered no evidence to support his position.

Last summer the administration separated more than 2,500 children from their families before international outrage forced Trump to halt the practice and a judge ordered them reunited.

"We're not looking to do that," Trump told reporters on Tuesday before meeting with Egypt's president at the White House. But he also noted: "Once you don't have it, that's why you see many more people coming. They're coming like it's a picnic, because let's go to Disneyland."

The potential reinstatement of one of the most divisive practices of Trump's tenure was just one aspect of the upheaval at the Department of Homeland Security this week that culminated with Nielsen's resignation. Acting Deputy Secretary Claire Grady, a 28-year civil servant, technically next in line for secretary, was forced to resign Tuesday to make room for Trump's pick to replace Nielsen, according to two people familiar with the decision.

With talk that more top officials were likely to be ousted, Republicans expressed public and private concerns about the shake-up orchestrated by the White House and cautioned that leadership changes wouldn't necessarily solve the problem.

House Oversight Committee Chairman Elijah Cummings, D-Md., said his committee would look at the staff shake-up at Homeland Security, although he said he had not decided on calling in Nielsen.

Sen. John Kennedy, R-La., said there was a serious problem going on between the White House and Homeland Security.

"If everybody's sitting around waiting for a shiny new wonder pony to ride in and solve it, we're going to be waiting a long time," he said.

At hearings across Capitol Hill, lawmakers also grilled administration officials on whether the family separation practice would resurface despite last year's outrage and evidence that separations were likely to cause lasting psychological effects on the children.

People familiar with immigration discussions within the administration said family separation was one of several ideas Trump had revived in recent weeks as he and his aides try to tackle the problem of an ever-growing number of Central American families crossing into the U.S. The people were not authorized to speak publicly and spoke to The Associated Press on condition of anonymity.

A senior administration official who briefed reporters on condition of anonymity Tuesday said the president had made a series of leadership changes at DHS because of frustrations that department officials weren't fast enough at implementing changes, such as a new regulation that would challenge a longstanding agreement limiting how long children can be detained.

The White House also was weighing a tougher standard to evaluate initial asylum claims, proposing a "binary choice" that would force migrant families to choose between remaining with their children in detention until their immigration cases were decided or sending their children to government shelters while the parents remained in detention.

The administration also is considering clamping down on remittance payments that Mexican nationals send to their families, the official said.

Amid the pushback, Trump told reporters he was not "cleaning house" at the agency despite the numerous staff changes.

But as Trump was speaking, the senior administration official was making a case to reporters about why the president felt changes were necessary. He described the agency as a large and unwieldy civilian bureaucracy in need of leadership that can deal with career officials resistant to the president’s agenda, including many responsible for implementing some of the very policies Trump seeks to roll back.

Top Republicans in Congress also expressed concern over vacancies at Homeland Security and cautioned Trump to heed off more churn after Nielsen's resignation.

Sen. Chuck Grassley, R-Iowa, made both a public and private plea to the White House not to dismiss career homeland security officials, including the director of United States Citizenship and Immigration Services, Lee Francis Cissna, whose future remained uncertain Tuesday.

He said he had spoken to acting chief of staff Mick Mulvaney but "never heard anything final" about Cissna.

Associated Press writers Kevin Freking, Lisa Mascaro, Laurie Kellman, Alan Fram and Darlene Superville in Washington and Nomaan Merchant in Houston contributed to this report.

Monson: Two things you must know about new BYU basketball coach Mark Pope: He’ll stand up for his players and he won’t punch a ref.

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The tall BYU assistant coach stood up to argue a bad call with a referee, and the prickly, sensitive ref reacted as though that assistant had carelessly, and maybe purposely, maliciously, rear-ended his bejeweled SUV, the old classic one with huge, overcompensating deep-dish Crager mags. He jumped out and over, exploding into a lecture at the assistant unlike anything I’ve ever seen in college basketball, or basketball at any level.

The setting, as best as I can recall, was a tight game between BYU and Gonzaga at the Marriott Center a few years back. The Cougars had little to play for that day other than pride. They already had lost too many league games and had no shot at a WCC title, and had little hope of making the NCAA Tournament. The Bulldogs were attempting to do something they’d never before done — ascend to a No. 1 ranking in the polls, and land a top seed in the big tournament.

The play on the floor seemed meaningful, the crowd loud, the players diving all over the place, hitting the boards hard, the coaches immersed in the action. And then, in the midst of it all, the ref made that lousy call, a call your 95-year-old great grandma with severe macular degeneration could have made right. The ref missed it.

That’s when Mark Pope stood up and started expressing his opinion.

Pope is known as a nice man, a good guy, a self-assured, outgoing sort, somebody you’d want to take in your house pets for two weeks while you’re vacationing in the Bahamas. He’d feed them and walk them and love them up in your absence. He’s a kind, conscientious person.

That’s unusual for a basketball coach. Most of them are egocentric and self-important, and a little paranoid, worried not only about what opponents are doing, what bosses who control their employment think of them, but also what their own staff is up to, who’s maneuvering behind their backs for a head coaching job somewhere else, or even as a replacement where they are.

Pope is not that.

He’s got a sound basketball mind and a strong background, having played in college, winning a national championship at Kentucky, but also having spent seven seasons as a scrub in the NBA, mixed in with stints with the La Crosse Bobcats and Ulkerspor, a Turkish team. He was nobody’s star. The 6-foot-10 forward averaged 1.9 points and 1.7 rebounds while playing for Indiana, Milwaukee and Denver. His all-time game high for points was 10 and for rebounding seven. But he spent a lot of time around other players who were stars, around coaches who knew the game.

Being in that environment doesn’t always translate to becoming a great coach. But it’s a start. Speaking of being around greatness, Pope’s wife, Lee Anne, was once an assistant to David Letterman.

Pope eventually landed at BYU as an assistant for four years, after coaching at Georgia and Wake Forest, and took over afterward at Utah Valley as the top dog. He showed at the Orem school that he could lead a program, and do it well. The Wolverines were 48-21 over the past two seasons, achieving some of that success with castoffs from BYU. A high mark for him was when his team went into the Marriott Center and thumped the Cougars in front of a shocked crowd.

Back to the Gonzaga game.

Congeniality be damned, Pope stood up for his guy and his team, protesting that call with vehemence. He knew he was right and that likely ticked off the official, some nameless guy in a striped shirt, even more.

That referee tore into Pope, told him to sit down, and stood over him for 30 seconds, scolding him in a most demeaning, demonstrative manner, his head bobbing, his finger wagging. He treated Pope as though he were dumping a garbage bin on the curb. It was too, too much. It was like a schoolmaster preaching at a student about lacking discipline when the schoolmaster was requiring none of that discipline from himself. If I had been Pope, I would have punched the dude with the small brain and the big whistle.

But in that moment, as I watched, I figured Pope had the demeanor to be a good coach — demonstrating the strength to stand up to a wrong, and the composure to control himself while withstanding a nasty, unjust barrage for being right.

That’s the affable, confident guy who takes over BYU’s program now.

Will he show the required knowledge to properly coach and demonstrate the charisma necessary to draw in the kinds of athletes the Cougars need to do anything more than what Dave Rose was achieving before he left? Can he maneuver through and succeed with the unique circumstances at BYU?

Beats me.

Rick Pitino, Pope’s former coach and an indisputable beacon of coaching propriety — or, at least, a cheater who knows how to win — thinks he can. Pitino calls Pope, “A superstar on the horizon.”

This much is absolutely in the bank: He’ll stand up for his players and he won’t punch a ref.

GORDON MONSON hosts “The Big Show” with Jake Scott weekdays from 3-7 p.m. on 97.5 FM and 1280 AM The Zone.

Commentary: Health care is shockingly expensive. Why can’t you deduct it all on your taxes?

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In late March, my right elbow suddenly ballooned up, becoming red, painful and hot to the touch. But what I assumed was tennis elbow proved to be cellulitis, a serious infection that required an IV of an expensive antibiotic dispensed during six hours in a Manhattan emergency room. The hospital billed my insurance company more than $10,000 per hour — $65,892.04, to be exact. I wasn’t even admitted for the night.

Fortunately my insurer will significantly reduce my share of the charges, but the ultimate out-of-pocket cost will still sting long after my elbow no longer does. Adding insult to injury, I can’t write off this unexpected and unavoidable expense on my taxes.

In 2019, taxpayers can deduct medical expenses that exceed 10 percent of their adjusted gross income, up from 7.5 percent in 2018 (and double the floor set by the Franklin D. Roosevelt administration in 1942, when it established the tax break). Suppose a family with an income of $100,000 per year spends $9,999 this year on doctors' bills and insurance premiums. They are out of luck. Sens. Susan Collins, R-Maine, and Maria Cantwell, D-Wash., have introduced legislation to roll back the income threshold to 7.5 percent, but why stop there?

Here's a Band-Aid to help millions of Americans cope with rising health-care costs: Tweak the tax code to allow low- and middle-income taxpayers (like myself) to deduct all essential medical and dental expenses. The IRS defines medical expenses as expenditures that "alleviate or prevent a physical or mental disability or illness. They don't include expenses that are merely beneficial to general health, such as vitamins or a vacation." That means no write-off for a nip and tuck, but you get one for cellulitis. Perhaps cap the benefit for those who earn less than $140,000 per year, which amounts to about three times median income.

"Health care is not something that people have a choice about," said Caitlin Heyward, a self-employed attorney in Columbia, South Carolina, who supports expanding the medical-expense tax deduction. "It's not like I'm picking a Volvo over a Camry." Last month, she received a more than $13,000 bill for a routine five-minute D and C (dilation and curettage) after a miscarriage.

The medical-expense deduction serves as "an important tool for middle-income taxpayers," said Cristina Martin Firvida, vice president of financial security and consumer affairs at AARP. An analysis by the organization found that in 2016, those who claimed the medical-expense tax deduction had racked up average medical bills of $15,467. That's a budget buster for many households. Research by AARP has found that the majority of those who have taken advantage of the tax break were older than 65 and earn less than $75,000 annually. An estimated 3.6 million people will qualify for the deduction this year.

My proposal won't add much to the $22 trillion national debt, relatively speaking. According to an AARP fact sheet, the Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy estimated that lowering the threshold from 10 percent to 7.5 percent would cost $1.2 billion in 2019. It will unquestionably cost more than that to eliminate the threshold for many more taxpayers. Budget hawks (if they still exist) in Congress probably could pay for the benefit by clamping down on tax breaks that enable corporations to deduct the cost of plush private jets.

Despite consumer protections established by the Affordable Care Act and the slowing of runaway medical spending, more must be done to address the nation's health-care crisis. And it is a crisis. A recent survey by the Commonwealth Fund asked respondents whether they could afford an unexpected medical bill of $1,000; half could not.

A new study published in the American Journal of Public Health confirms that many people are falling through the cracks - which are more like chasms. Medical issues threaten the financial health of more than half a million families per year.

Rather than work with Democrats to fix the ACA's flaws, the Trump administration continually plots to destroy the law. Most recently, the president promised to unveil the elusive Republican replacement for Obamacare after his putative reelection.

Meanwhile, many Democratic presidential candidates tout Medicare expansion as a cure-all. At a recent CNN town hall, Sen. Elizabeth Warren, D-Mass., for instance, floated the idea of lowering the Medicare eligibility age from 65 and expanding coverage for everyone under 30.

But such admirable goals probably will require a White House victory in 2020 and at least 60 Democratic senators. Even a landslide for the eventual Democratic ticket might not lead to such a result.

Some on the left reflexively vilify incrementalism. Howard Dean, a medical doctor who is a former Vermont governor and chairman of the Democratic National Committee, for example, told me that such a policy would just make it harder to pay for more sweeping policies such as Medicare-for-all. But such concerns assume an all-or-nothing approach to change. It's as if progressives ignore that "progress" is at the root of their political philosophy. And progress is rarely instantaneous. Objecting to any solution that falls short of universal health coverage is akin to doctors denying palliative care to a dying cancer patient because they have yet to develop a cure for the disease.

Sara Collins, the Commonwealth Fund's vice president for health care coverage and access, considers a new targeted tax break to be one step - but not the only step - in the right direction.

"View policy options along a continuum," Collins said. A change in the tax code "won't completely solve the problem, but it will certainly provide some relief to a lot of people."

David Wallis | Economic Hardship Reporting Project
David Wallis | Economic Hardship Reporting Project

David Wallis is managing director of the Economic Hardship Reporting Project, a journalism nonprofit.

@DavidRwallis ‏

Abortion foes mount efforts to near-total ban of Roe v. Wade

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Emboldened by the new conservative majority on the Supreme Court, anti-abortion lawmakers and activists in numerous states are pushing near-total bans on the procedure in a deliberate frontal attack on Roe v. Wade.

Mississippi and Kentucky have passed laws that would ban most abortions after a fetal heartbeat is detected — which means as early as six weeks, when many women don’t even know they’re pregnant. Georgia could join them if Republican Gov. Brian Kemp signs a measure that has been sent to him, and a bill in Ohio is nearing final passage.

Similar bills have been filed in at least seven other states with anti-abortion GOP majorities in their legislatures.

Alabama may go further, with legislation introduced last week to criminalize abortion at any stage unless the mother's health is in jeopardy.

The chief sponsor of the Alabama bill, Rep. Terri Collins, acknowledged that the measure — like the heartbeat bills — is intended as a direct challenge to Roe, the 1973 Supreme Court ruling that legalized abortion nationwide.

"To me this is an issue the court simply got wrong years ago," said Collins, who hopes President Donald Trump's appointments of Neil Gorsuch and Brett Kavanaugh to the Supreme Court lead to a reconsideration of Roe.

Staci Fox, Atlanta-based CEO of Planned Parenthood Southeast, said these bans are "blatantly unconstitutional and lawmakers know it — they just don't care." The goal, she said, is to "challenge access to safe, legal abortion nationally."

Activists and legal experts on both sides of the debate agree that getting a Supreme Court decision on such a defining case is unlikely any time soon.

The bans may face difficulties just reaching the high court, given that Roe established a clear right to an abortion during the first three months of pregnancy. Kentucky's heartbeat law has been blocked for now by a federal judge; abortion-rights lawyers are seeking a similar injunction in Mississippi before the law there takes effect July 1.

"The lower courts are going to find these laws unconstitutional because the Supreme Court requires that outcome," said Hillary Schneller, an attorney with the Center for Reproductive Rights.

However, some federal appeals courts around the country, such as the 5th Circuit, which covers Mississippi, Louisiana and Texas, are viewed as having grown more conservative with the addition of Trump appointees.

If even one circuit breaks with Roe v. Wade and upholds a heartbeat ban, that could be enough for the Supreme Court to take up the issue, said Justin Dyer, a political science professor at the University of Missouri.

Alternatively, the high court could agree to hear any of several less sweeping anti-abortion measures. Some would tighten restrictions on clinics; others seek to ban certain categories of abortions.

What might happen at the Supreme Court is far from clear. Legal experts are unsure what effect the Trump appointees might have, or where Chief Justice John Roberts stands in regard to Roe.

Schneller said she is skeptical the reconfigured court will overturn or weaken Roe, as abortion foes are hoping: "Over 45 years, the court has had different compositions, and we've always gotten the same answer."

Michael New, an abortion opponent who teaches social research at Catholic University of America, warned that it is impossible to predict what the court will do but said Kavanaugh's appointment "gives pro-lifers hope that legislation which offers more comprehensive protection to the unborn will receive a sympathetic hearing."

Some anti-abortion groups have declined to endorse the heartbeat bills, signaling doubts about their prospects. Texas Right to Life has instead endorsed bills that would curtail late-term abortions and ban abortions based on a fetus' race, gender or disability.

If the Supreme Court ever did overturn Roe v. Wade, states would presumably be left to decide for themselves whether abortion would be legal.

The renewed challenges come as the number of abortions performed in the U.S. has steadily declined since reaching a peak of 1.6 million in 1990. The latest 50-state tally was 926,000 in 2014, according to the Guttmacher Institute, a research group that supports abortion rights.

The heartbeat bills in particular have alarmed many women.

After Kentucky's governor signed the heartbeat bill, and before it was blocked, "we could feel the fear," said Marcie Crim of the Kentucky Health Justice Network, which runs a fund supporting Kentuckians who opt to get abortions.

"We had so many phone calls from people trying to save up the money for their procedure," Crim said. "They were thinking they were safe and could go get this done, and all of a sudden it was snatched away from them."

For the moment, the spotlight is on Georgia, where Kemp is expected to sign the heartbeat bill soon despite high-profile protests. More than 50 actors, including Alyssa Milano, Alec Baldwin and Amy Schumer, threatened a campaign to pull Hollywood productions out of Georgia — a hub for TV and movie projects — if the ban is enacted.

Other states where heartbeat bills have been filed — and in some cases advanced — include Tennessee, Missouri, South Carolina, Florida, Texas, Louisiana and West Virginia.

Associated Press writer Kim Chandler in Montgomery, Alabama, contributed to this report.


Weekly Run newsletter: Here are the Jazz playoff scenarios you need to know from tonight’s games

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Sltrib.com sale!

There’s no better source for Utah Jazz news than The Salt Lake Tribune and we don’t want our readers to miss anything during this playoff run. That’s why we are dropping the cost of an annual digital subscription to just $1 per week or $52 for the year. This flash sale ends Sunday night. Go to www.sltrib.com/subscribe and click on digital unlimited.

The Weekly Run is The Salt Lake Tribune’s weekly newsletter on all things Utah Jazz. Subscribe here for the newsletter.

This season has gone by fast, hasn’t it? Seems like just a short time ago that I was covering my first regular-season Jazz game — the home opener against the Golden State Warriors where Jonas Jerebko’s last-second tip-in spoiled an incredible performance.

Then, this past Sunday, I was already at my last regular-season road game, in which the South Bay … er, Los Angeles Lakers pulled off a stunning upset over Utah.

There’s a certain symmetry there, yeah?

Now, here we are, on the final day of the regular season. The Jazz are back in L.A. tonight, facing the Clippers. This game doesn’t actually mean much for the Jazz, who are locked in to the Western Conference’s No. 5 seed again, and so they’ll probably deploy their big-timers sparingly.

A couple other games tonight, however, are worth keeping an eye on, because they’ll help determine Utah’s playoff opponent. It’ll be either the Houston Rockets or the Portland Trail Blazers.

Many would rather see the Jazz avoid Houston at all costs, considering the Rockets, when healthy, are one of the league’s most dangerous teams. There also seems to be a perception that the Blazers are beatable, as center Jusuf Nurkic is out with a broken leg, and because high-scoring guard CJ McCollum just returned from injury himself. Plus, you know, Portland was the No. 3 seed last season and got swept in the first round by the Pelicans. Still, even if you make it past Portland, you’re then presumably matched up with Golden State in the second round.

But that’s getting ahead of ourselves. We still have games tonight. Here’s the Jazz-relevant info: the Denver Nuggets will be hosting the Minnesota Timberwolves, and the Blazers will be hosting the Sacramento Kings. Both games tip off at 8:30 p.m. MT. If either (or both) the Nuggets and Blazers lose, Portland becomes the West’s No. 4 seed, and the Jazz will be heading to Oregon this weekend. But, if both the Nuggets and Blazers win, then the Rockets drop to No. 4, and the Jazz will be Texas-bound.

So, as my favorite athlete ever (SARCASM ALERT!!!) Terrell Owens once so famously said, get your popcorn ready.

In case you missed it …

Yup, we’re at the last day of the regular season. There was a fair amount of stuff going on last week to get us to this point.

First off, from a non-basketball perspective, the big news was The Players’ Tribune article penned by Kyle Korver about him recognizing his white privilege and wanting to do something about it. The Salt Lake Tribune’s Christopher Kamrani wrote about Korver writing the piece, as did columnist Gordon Monson, who said it’s the most important thing Korver has ever done.

As for the on-court stuff, well, let’s see … all of Rudy Gobert’s record-breaking dunking resulted in him getting a jersey sent to the Hall of Fame … the team talked about how they’ve been able to overcome having their rotation constantly in flux due to injuries … the Jazz unveiled a jazz-themed campaign for Rudy to be named Defensive Player of the Year again … my colleague Andy Larsen took a look into why the Jazz are the league’s best rebounding team … and I took a look at which players deserve to win some hardware, and who I think actually will take home the trophies.

Other people’s stuff

• Some 35 years ago, Kareem Abdul-Jabbar broke the NBA’s all-time scoring record against the Jazz, in a game played in Las Vegas. Deseret News writer Eric Woodyard caught up with some Jazz legends to re-live the event.

• Ever wanted to know what an NBA player’s house is like? YouTube channel “Deux Nuits Avec” got to go inside Rudy’s pad and give us all a look.

• Tuesday’s game at Vivint Smart Home Arena was a sellout — marking the first time since 1992-93 that the Jazz sold out every home game in a season. KSL.com’s Ryan Miller takes a look at why that happened this season.

• Tony Jones of The Athletic talked to Ekpe Udoh about the genesis of his book club, and how it became a rather big deal that day it got name-dropped in a quote tweet by former First Lady Michelle Obama.

Marc Spears of The Undefeated took a deeper dive into Korver’s article, noting, “The rousing response to the words of a white player not known for saying much was a necessary reminder that white words matter in the fight against racism and social injustice.”

• And finally, the Jazz got a bit of social media attention over the past few days because of a viral video of a young fan named Evie, whose bedtime was precluding her from watching the Jazz game:

Donovan Mitchell saw the video, and invited Evie and her family to the game …

… and even gifted her a pair of her shoes:

Afterward, Evie was so excited by it all, she re-enacted her interview with Jazz sideline reporter Kristen Kenney:

Up next

Regular season ends tonight, with the Jazz in Los Angeles to face the Clippers. After that, it’s the playoffs, either in Houston or Portland. It’s all so exciting!!!!!!!

And one more thing …

I know I’m biased and all, but I think our Jazz coverage is pretty great! Hopefully, you do too, and that’s why you’re here reading this. You’re gonna want to keep reading all our excellent coverage during the playoffs. If you’re not a subscriber, you can hit that paywall pretty quick. Don’t let that happen. Because it’s the playoffs, and we don’t want you to miss a thing, The Tribune is dropping the cost of an annual subscription to just $1 per week or $52 for the year. This flash sale ends Sunday night. Go to www.sltrib.com/subscribe and click on digital unlimited.

Sen. Mitt Romney joins two fellow Republicans to oppose Trump’s pick of Herman Cain for the Federal Reserve

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Washington • Sen. Mitt Romney is joining a small handful of Republicans who are opposed to President Donald Trump’s nomination of former presidential candidate Herman Cain for the Federal Reserve.

The Utah Republican says he wouldn't likely vote for Cain, a former head of Godfather's Pizza, whose nomination has roiled markets because of his lack of experience.

Cain was chairman of the Federal Reserve Bank of Kansas City, one of the branches of America’s central bank, but has been criticized as strictly a loyalist and political pick by Trump to counter the president’s angst with Fed Chairman Jerome Powell.

Romney on Wednesday said he has reservations about Cain, whom Romney ran against, among other candidates, in the 2012 Republican presidential primaries. (Romney won the nomination but lost to Barack Obama in the general election.)

Romney had previously raised concerns about Cain and suggested the president nominate someone else; on Wednesday, the Utah senator doubled down.

“I don’t think Herman Cain would be confirmed by the Senate, and I think the president would be wise to nominate someone who is less partisan and more experienced in the world of economics,” Romney said. “I would anticipate voting no if he were nominated.”

GOP Sens. Lisa Murkowski of Alaska and Cory Gardner of Colorado also have said they would vote against Cain. With Republicans holding 53 seats in the Senate, one more defection from the GOP’s majority would doom Cain’s bid. The vice president could break a 50-50 tie, though that is rare with a presidential appointee, especially for the Fed.

Trump has yet to formally nominate Cain and wouldn't say Wednesday whether he thought the pending nomination was a safe bet.

“I like Herman Cain, and Herman will make that determination,” the president said before boarding Marine One. “He’s just somebody I like a lot. As to how he’s doing in the process, that I don’t know . . . Herman’s a great guy and I hope he does well.”

Romney previously told Politico that he was hesitant about Cain's nomination.

“If Herman Cain were on the Fed, you’d know the interest rate would soon be 9-9-9,” Romney said, referring to Cain’s famous pitch for the presidential nomination when he promised a 9% tax on personal income, the federal sales tax and on the corporate rate.

Cain quit the 2012 presidential race after allegations of inappropriate behavior surfaced from two women who worked at the National Restaurant Association when Cain headed the group in the 1990s. Cain’s campaign declined to address the charges but the candidate soon dropped out and endorsed Romney.

Utah’s Tony Finau posted a top-10 finish in his Masters debut, and he’ll be playing at full strength this time. Is he ready to contend at Augusta?

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After everything Tony Finau went through last April, walking up and down the hills of Augusta National Golf Club will seem easy this week.

Expecting him to finish in the top 10 of the Masters every year would be asking a lot, though.

The Lehi resident is back in Georgia, where he became one of the biggest stories last year by playing with a badly sprained ankle, thanks to a hole-in-one celebration that went awry in the Par 3 Contest the day before the first round. Finau managed to play 72 holes in his Masters debut, starting and finishing in style.

He opened with a 68 and was on the leaderboard, then posted six consecutive birdies on the back nine in the final round to make the top 10 and earn a return invitation to Augusta. Finau will tee off Thursday morning in a featured group with major champions Sergio Garcia and Henrik Stenson. Sandy resident Mike Weir, the 2003 champion, will make his 20th start at Augusta National at age 48, playing with Shane Lowry and amateur Kevin O’Connell.

ESPN.com ranks Finau high in the second tier of potential winners this week — just below the top 15 picks, in the category of “If everything goes right.”

Finau qualified for the 2019 Masters in multiple categories, such as being a Ryder Cup contestant. Yet his Augusta National experience was his avenue to all of those other good things in 2018.

“He became a star, really,” said his coach, Boyd Summerhays. “He just took that momentum for a great finish at the Masters … he just ran with it.”

Finau finished fifth in the U.S. Open after contending in the last round and tied for ninth in the British Open. Even a tie for 42nd in the PGA Championship fit into his story of the 2018 majors, as he compiled 10 birdies in the second round to make the 36-hole cut, while paired with U.S. Ryder Cup captain Jim Furyk in what amounted to a tryout for the team. And he became one of the top American players in the Ryder Cup loss to Europe.

Looking back at that season, Finau said of the Masters and the PGA, “I was extremely proud of those couple moments [that] just kind of told myself how tough I feel like I can be.”

Physically, that was true in the Masters. Summerhays laughs about how they downplayed the severity of Finau’s injury during the tournament, then shared photos of the swollen, discolored ankle the next day. Finau recently posed on April Fool’s Day with a green, high-top shoe, joking that Nike prepared him for his return to the Masters.

And when he came to the infamous No. 7 in Wednesday’s Par 3 Contest, Finau changed into that shoe on his left foot and played his shot, just for laughs.

He’ll stick to conventional shoes Thursday, while trying to replicate his performance of last April. Finau has played consistently, although not spectacularly, in this calendar year. He has posted four top-25 finishes, but his best result in a tie for 13th place in the Farmers Insurance Open near San Diego.

His confidence is intact, though. “He knows he can win the Masters,” Summerhays said.

That belief is based on how well he played under difficult circumstances, having to change his setup and swing and adjust to losing power in the process. Nothing about the golf course or the tournament atmosphere seemed to bother him, as he thrived on some of Augusta National's best-known holes and most demanding shots.

“He's got a strong mind,” Summerhays said, “and he was able to showcase that.”

And this year, he should have a healthy body to go with it.



‘Trib Talk’: Student and alumni stories question the ‘honor’ of BYU’s conduct code enforcement

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Hundreds of anonymous stories of accusation, intimidation and interrogation at Brigham Young University have been posted to an Instagram account boasting 34,000 followers and calling into question the private school’s enforcement of its honor code.

The stories paint a combined portrait of current and former students living in fear and anxiety under the threat of expulsion and eviction due to alleged offenses ranging from extramarital sexual activity, to drug and alcohol use, to breaking curfew.

On this week’s episode of “Trib Talk,” Sidney Draughon, a BYU alumna and creator of the HonorCodeStories Instagram account, and Tribune reporter Erin Alberty join Benjamin Wood to discuss calls for reform at the Provo school, and a perceived culture of peer-to-peer spying stemming from strict enforcement of moral and behavioral standards.

Click here to listen now. Listeners can also subscribe to “Trib Talk” on SoundCloud, iTunes and Apple Podcasts, Google Play, Stitcher, Spotify and other major podcast platforms.

“Trib Talk” is produced by Sara Weber with additional editing by Dan Harrie. Comments and feedback can be sent to tribtalk@sltrib.com, or to @bjaminwood or @tribtalk on Twitter.

‘Mormon Land’: The church’s LGBTQ policy — How it came to be and why it went away.

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Nearly 3½ years ago, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints stunned insiders and outsiders with a new policy labeling same-sex married couples “apostates” and generally barring their children from baptism until they turn 18.

Last week, Latter-day Saint leaders delivered another shocker by reversing those rules.

What happened? And why? And where does the Utah-based faith go from here?

Discussing those questions and more about the church’s evolution and, some say, devolution on LGBTQ rights is historian Gregory Prince, author of the newly released “Gay Rights and the Mormon Church: Intended Actions, Unintended Consequences.”

Listen here:


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