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Letter: What was Mike Lee thinking?

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What was Mike Lee thinking?

I don’t know what Sen. Mike Lee was thinking when he addressed the Senate using his comic book approach to argue against the Green New Deal, offering no alternative to dealing with climate change and its fiscal and physical effects.

With no changes in our behaviors, we will be spending hundreds of billions of dollars dealing with the damage caused by floods, fires, mudslides and high-energy weather events attributed to our changing climate.

Let’s deal with the facts and data in a responsible way, even if the Green New Deal is not the ideal solution. But it’s a good start to get us all to focus on the eminent disaster “can” that we are kicking down the road, for our kids and grandkids to grapple with.

Michael Feldman, Salt Lake City

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Letter: Stewart has no concern about Trump

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It was troubling to me to read in the newspaper that Rep. Chris Stewart, R-Utah, has asked for the resignation of House Intelligence Committee Chairman Adam Schiff because of Schiff’s opinion that President Donald Trump colluded with Russia.

Department of Justice rules stipulate that a sitting president cannot be indicted for a criminal offense. Rather he, or she, must first be impeached before a criminal charge may be initiated.

Stewart seemingly has no concern about Trump's continuous false charges that Hillary Clinton is guilty of numerous misdeeds, despite about eight Republican panels, and one Republican televised panel, in which Clinton was determined completely innocent by each panel.

The final verdict in the Trump manner has yet to be determined.

Richard H. Burt, Sandy

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Letter: Lee should respect other members of Congress

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Sen. Mike Lee should be censured by the Senate. Public mockery of another member of Congress is unacceptable and should not be tolerated, no matter how much he disagrees. All ideas should be taken seriously and discussed.

Lee’s public shenanigans not only cost taxpayers unnecessary money, but border on bullying and intimidation. It is unbecoming to a member of the esteemed Senate that is supposed to represent the people of Utah.

Marilyn Marshall, Magna

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Letter: It is Rep. Stewart who should resign

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Rep. Chris Stewart,

Seriously, you are calling for Rep. Adam Schiff to resign his committee chairmanship? You are calling for our political leaders to apologize for putting this country in a political crisis?!?

Maybe you should start with President Trump issuing an apology to this country for running a campaign that took meetings with the Russians! If President Obama had done that (or, God forbid, Hillary Clinton) you would have been calling for public hangings. What is wrong with you that you are so blinded by partisan politics?

The Mueller report (from what we hear) could not find enough evidence to charge Trump with collusion. Fair enough, the president isn’t charged with a crime. But let’s look at what his campaign did, the campaign he was ultimately responsible for leading. Look at those individuals involved in his campaign and their actions.

Don Jr. takes a meeting with a foreign foe who promises “dirt” on Trump’s political opponent. Does that not cause you concern? Russia? The Mueller investigation produced criminal charges against 34 individuals, seven guilty pleas (one conviction at trial) and showed that the Trump campaign was at best unethical and unpatriotic.

I call on you to resign, as you clearly are not objective enough to protect our constitution. Rep. Stewart, you do understand that the Russians interfered in our 2016 election with the intent to elect Donald Trump as president? If you don’t accept that after all the evidence that has been presented, then you should resign.

When history records this sad chapter of American politics you will be a footnote as one of the individuals who betrayed our country’s ideals. Shame on you.

Ryan Hinkins, Salt Lake City

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Letter: Climate change threatens the economy

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To say that the world is addicted to oil is an understatement. Oil is more than an addiction, it’s the life blood of the world’s energy intensive economy.

Despite the world’s insatiable demand for what science and common sense tell us is a finite resource, industry and those that constantly require more and more of what industry can produce behave as though oil is as plentiful as the perpetual energy produced by the sun.

While the captains of industry and the merchants of the extractive economy malign those who predict dire consequences from this slothfulness, the world continues to feed its oil addiction at an alarming pace. With no realistic plan to address the impending crisis, the industrialized world places all of humanity in peril.

Yes, fossil fuel-induced climate change and global warming are of grave concern but it’s the hideous specter of economic collapse that should garner most of our focus. Shrinking coastlines, extreme drought and ill health can be partially mitigated, albeit at great expense, but the extinction of the world economy would be an event of apocalyptic magnitude and cries out for an emergency declaration that inescapably points us toward renewable energy.

Addressing the twin evils of climate change and economic collapse at the same time should be something that even the most ardent capitalist can get excited about.

Thomas R. Smith, Hurricane

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Gehrke: Utah doesn’t need to fear a popular vote for president, but ditching the Electoral College remains a long shot

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What if, instead of having a direct election, Utah’s candidates for governor had to win electoral votes allocated based on Utah’s population — say, one vote for every 30,000 people plus two each for the 29 counties?

Salt Lake County, and its more than 1 million people, would get 38 electoral votes. Daggett and the state’s 12 least populous counties would get three each. Together, those 13 rural counties would have more electoral votes than Salt Lake, despite having 900,000 fewer people.

In other words, each of those rural voters would have 10 times the influence as voters in Salt Lake County. As a result, candidates could ignore the urban areas and a small rural minority would likely rule the state.

It would be an absurd system going against every principle of fairness and the one-person-one-vote style of representative democracy that we now enjoy.

But we let it slide when it comes to choosing a president, thanks to reliance on the Electoral College, which apportions 538 electoral votes based on population and gives two each to every state and the District of Columbia.

What that means is that sparsely populated states such as Wyoming and North Dakota are vastly overrepresented, while states such as California and Texas are proportionately underrepresented.

How bad is it? Every electoral vote in Wyoming represents 195,000 people, while every elector in California represents 712,000 people, nearly four times as many.

In Utah, each elector represents roughly 527,000 people.

If you were setting out to design a system of elections from scratch, you would never choose this one. But it is in our Constitution, placed at a time before national news outlets, televised debates and Twitter.

Not long ago, there was a bipartisan feeling that it would be a good idea to get rid of the Electoral College. Unfortunatel,y in recent years, like everything in this country, the issue has shifted to a partisan debate. While a majority still supports changing the system, there is a wide partisan divide, with three-fourths of Democrats wanting the change compared to a third of Republicans.

U.S. Sen. Brian Schatz, D-Hawaii, proposed a Constitutional Amendment this week to get rid of the Electoral College. Several Democratic senators also support the notion, as does Democratic presidential candidate Elizabeth Warren.

Republicans, however, are resistant. U.S. Sen. Lindsey Graham, R-S.C., tweeted recently that the “The desire to abolish the Electoral College is driven by the idea [that] Democrats want rural America to go away politically.”

Even though the Electoral College is the reason that George W. Bush and Donald Trump won the presidency (neither won the popular vote in their first terms), this isn’t an issue that should pit Republicans and against Democrats.

Yes, there are Republican states like Wyoming and North Dakota that get an outsized voice, but so do places like Vermont, Hawaii and the District of Columbia that are consistent Democratic strongholds.

And, thanks to the winner-takes-all format of the Electoral College, a vote cast by a Republican Trump voter in liberal New York was rendered just as meaningless as a Democratic Clinton voter in conservative Texas.

President Donald Trump — who, again, didn’t win the popular vote — has actually said several times that he would prefer a popular vote to the Electoral College.

Defenders of the Electoral College contend places like Utah would become fly-over states if the popular vote ruled. Here’s a hard fact: Utah already is a fly-over state and maybe for a reason you are not considering.

In 2016, Utah was completely ignored by both presidential candidates during the general election. We saw two visits from vice presidential candidate Mike Pence and one from Donald Trump Jr. who came to town for a fundraiser. Pence’s second visit was to shore up support and encourage Utah Republicans to “come home” to the Trump ticket rather than splintering and voting for third-party candidate Evan McMullin.

But our neighbor Nevada, which also has six electoral votes, hosted 10 campaign stops by Clinton and Trump alone and they visited New Hampshire, which has just four electoral votes, 13 times after each had won their party’s nomination — so we’re not even counting visits during the primary.

The reason Utah is a fly-over state, then, has nothing to do with geography or its relatively small population. It is a result of Utah not being competitive in my lifetime. The winner-take-all Electoral College actually makes it far less likely that Utah will see meaningful campaign attention from either party. Everybody knows the Republican candidate is getting Utah’s six votes.

The reality is that more than two thirds of the country is now fly-over country for the same reason, unless the candidates need to pop in for a fundraiser and use them as a sort of ATM machine.

Changing the Constitution as Schatz proposes is the cleanest solution, but in a divided nation is politically impossible. There is a partial fix without having an amendment.

The Constitution doesn’t specify how states designate their electors. For years, the group National Popular Vote has been working to abandon the winner-take-all approach in favor of a system that allocates electors based on the proportion of the vote.

So a Republican who wins 65 percent in Utah gets four electoral votes; the Democrat would get two.

But it only works if enough states agree to do the same — and in a divided country would only work if the states that agree are politically balanced.

Fifteen states have agreed to make the change once enough states to make up 270 electoral votes are on board. For several years (with the exception of this year) there has been a proposal in the Utah Legislature to join that group.

Realistically, it won’t happen before 2020, which is fine. It shouldn’t be about any one party winning a specific election. But it could help fix a broken system, make Utah at least a little more relevant in presidential elections, and move us closer to a representative democracy — all of which are worth serious consideration by Utah lawmakers.

Review: Emilio Estevez brings dry humor and an open heart to ‘The Public,’ a homeless drama inspired by Salt Lake City’s library

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As a filmmaker, Emilio Estevez is the most sincere kid in the pumpkin patch, with never a hint of cynicism — and he wears his heart proudly on his sleeve in “The Public,” an earnest comedy-drama about people looking out for their fellow humans.

Estevez stars in this movie, which he wrote and directed, inspired by a 2007 essay by Chip Ward, a now-retired Salt Lake City librarian who wrote plainly and eloquently about how public libraries have become de facto shelters for the homeless. That germ of an idea infuses itself in the story of a librarian who is embroiled in a standoff between homeless patrons and the police.

Estevez plays librarian Stuart Goodson, who encounters these homeless men and women every day at The Public Library in Cincinnati (where the movie was filmed). Stuart’s job requires him to deal with the most unruly of the homeless, which he does good-naturedly when possible.

Stuart is juggling a lot, from a junior librarian, Myra (Jena Malone), who wants to transfer to a different floor, to his boss, Mr. Anderson (Jeffrey Wright), who warns him that the board wants to fire him — because he removed a homeless patron for having bad body odor, an incident that led to a large lawsuit against the city.

One winter night, the chronically homeless who spend their days in the library decide they’re not going to leave at closing time. Led by Jackson (Michael Kenneth Williams), a veteran caught in hard times, the patrons stage a 1960s-style sit-in, barricading themselves — along with Stuart and Myra — on one floor of the library. Stuart sides with Jackson and the other homeless patrons for a very understandable reason: Once upon a time, he was one of them.

What follows is a standoff between the homeless people inside the library and the police outside, with Det. Bill Ramstead (Alec Baldwin) working as a negotiator. Also on the outside is Josh Davis (Christian Slater), a slick prosecutor running for mayor on a law-and-order platform, who suggests the cops end the standoff by lobbing some tear gas into the library.

Also factoring into Estevez’s story are Angela (Taylor Schilling), who manages Stuart’s apartment building and may become a romantic interest, and Rebecca Parks (Gabrielle Union), a TV reporter who labors to fit the homeless patrons’ plight into a pre-fab news narrative.

It’s hard not to make comparisons between “The Public” and the greatest of all hostage dramas, Sidney Lumet’s “Dog Day Afternoon.” Estevez, as writer and director, strikes a lighter tone than that Al Pacino classic, but he mines the same vein of absurdity in the discord between two sides, each not understanding the other.

Estevez gathers a strong ensemble cast, with some fascinating standouts. Williams gives a soulful turn as Jackson, trying to squeeze out a little recognition and dignity despite his current circumstances. The hip-hop artist Rhymefest is sympathetic as Big George, a homeless man battling internal demons. And Baldwin, working out his dramatic side for the first time in ages, is powerful as a cop whose personal life — we’re told early that Ramstead’s drug-addicted son is living on the streets — both informs and hamstrings his efforts to bring about a truce.

The gentle humor and simple humanity of Estevez’s script helps the audience digest the messages within “The Public,” to engender sympathy for our nation’s homeless and sing the praises of libraries. When, at one point, Stuart quotes John Steinbeck’s “The Grapes of Wrath” to Union’s reporter character, he tells his boss, Anderson, “I wish they were my words.” Anderson replies, “They are your words. Yours, mine, theirs, all of ours.” That line, like most of “The Public,” is a heartfelt reminder that libraries are keepers of our democracy’s collective soul.

——

★★★

‘The Public’

Inspired by a Salt Lake City librarian’s essay, director-writer-star Emilio Estevez tells an earnest story of homeless patrons finding shelter in an American public library.

Where • Broadway Centre Cinemas (Salt Lake City), Megaplex Jordan Commons (Sandy), AMC West Jordan 12 (West Jordan).

When • Opens Friday, April 5.

Rated • PG-13 for thematic material, nudity, language, and some suggestive content.

Running time • 122 minutes.

House Judiciary panel approves subpoenas for Mueller report

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Washington • The House Judiciary Committee approved subpoenas Wednesday for special counsel Robert Mueller’s full Russia report as Democrats pressure the Justice Department to release the document without redactions.

The committee voted 24-17 to give Judiciary Chairman Jerrold Nadler, D-N.Y., permission to issue subpoenas to the Justice Department for the final report, its exhibits and any underlying evidence or materials prepared for Mueller’s investigation. Nadler has not yet said if he’ll send the subpoenas, which would be the first step in a potentially long fight with the Justice Department over the materials.

The Judiciary panel also voted Wednesday to authorize subpoenas related to five of President Donald Trump's former top advisers, stepping up a separate, wide-ranging investigation into Trump and his personal and political dealings.

On the Mueller report, House Democrats had given Attorney General William Barr until Tuesday to provide an unredacted version to Congress, along with underlying materials. The Justice Department ignored that deadline, with Barr telling committee chairmen in a letter last week that he was in the process of redacting portions of the almost 400-page report and it would be released by mid-April, “if not sooner.”

The vote further escalates the Democrats' battle with the Justice Department over how much of the report they will be able to see, a fight that could eventually head to court if the two sides can't settle their differences through negotiation. Democrats have said they will not accept redactions and want to see the evidence unfiltered by Barr.

In the letter last week, Barr said he is scrubbing the report to avoid disclosing any grand jury information or classified material, in addition to portions of the report that pertain to ongoing investigations or that "would unduly infringe on the personal privacy and reputational interests of peripheral third parties."

Democrats say they want access to all of that information, even if some of it can't be disclosed to the public. Nadler said he will give Barr time to change his mind on redactions, but if they cannot reach an agreement they will issue the subpoenas "in very short order." He also said he is prepared to go to court to get the grand jury information.

"This committee requires the full report and the underlying materials because it is our job, not the attorney general's, to determine whether or not President Trump has abused his office," Nadler said.

The five former Trump advisers who could receive subpoenas are strategist Steve Bannon, communications director Hope Hicks, chief of staff Reince Priebus, White House counsel Donald McGahn and counsel Ann Donaldson. Donaldson served as McGahn's chief of staff before both left the administration.

The five were key witnesses in Mueller's probe of possible obstruction of justice and were sent document requests by the Judiciary panel last month, along with dozens of other people connected to Trump. Nadler said he is concerned about reports that documents relevant to Mueller's investigation "were sent outside the White House," meaning the committee should have access to them because they may not be covered by executive privilege.

The top Republican on the Judiciary panel, Georgia Rep. Doug Collins, said at the vote that the five subpoenas are misguided because two of the individuals have already provided 3,000 documents to the committee and that the other three have indicated a willingness to cooperate.

Collins said the authorization for all of the subpoenas is "reckless" and that Democrats shouldn't be asking for documents that the Justice Department can't legally disclose to the public. The committee rejected a GOP amendment that would have blocked the subpoenas from applying to grand jury information.

"We have a pre-emptive chairman who has gone out with pre-emptive subpoenas today on a report that has already been promised him," Collins said. "This is nothing but political theater."

Trump himself has largely deferred to Barr on the report's release while also saying he wouldn't mind if the full version was made public. Still, he has criticized Democrats for seeking the unredacted information. He tweeted Tuesday that "there is no amount of testimony or document production that can satisfy" Nadler or House Intelligence Chairman Adam Schiff, who has also called for the full release.

Mueller notified Barr that he had completed the investigation March 22 and sent him the report. In a four-page summary of that report released two days later, Barr wrote that the special counsel did not find that Trump's campaign "conspired or coordinated" with the Russian government to influence the 2016 presidential election. He also said Mueller reached no conclusion on whether Trump obstructed the federal investigation, instead setting out "evidence on both sides" of the question.

Barr himself went further than Mueller in his summary letter, declaring that Mueller’s evidence was insufficient to prove in court that Trump had committed obstruction of justice to hamper the probe. Democrats criticized Barr’s assessment, saying they instead want to see what Mueller wrote.


Body found in creek believed to be missing 4-year-old Utah girl

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The body of a 4-year-old Utah girl who disappeared on March 14 is believed to have been found in a creek, according to the Navajo Division of Public Safety.

Anndine Jones was last seen near her home near Aneth and Montezuma Creek in the southeastern corner of Utah. Footprints believed to be hers were seen along McElmo Creek; her body was found by volunteers searching the creek north of Aneth on Wednesday evening.

According to the Navajo Police Department, her body has been “tentatively identified by her parents”; the state Office of the Medical Examiner will make a positive ID.

"This has been a difficult time for everyone involved,” said Navajo Police Chief Phillip Francisco in a prepared statement. “At this time, we ask for the public's patience and understanding. Details will be limited in the forthcoming days as the investigation continues.”

The Navajo Division of Public Safety is investigating with assistance from the FBI.

E.J. Dionne: Congress is right to subpoena the Mueller report. It shouldn’t have had to.

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Video: Attorney General William P. Barr is planning key redactions to special counsel Robert S. Mueller III’s report. It is already causing a political fight on Capitol Hill. (Taylor Turner/The Washington Post)


Washington • The House Judiciary Committee should not have had to vote Wednesday to subpoena special counsel Robert Mueller’s report. It should already have been sent to Congress. The fact that the body’s Democrats had to take this forcing action underscores why Attorney General William Barr’s handling of the document so far is irresponsible — and, yes, suspicious.

Let’s look at the timeline. Mueller submitted his report March 22. Two days later, on March 24, Barr issued his four-page letter that included not one complete sentence from the report. Barr quoted the report as saying: “[T]he investigation did not establish that members of the Trump Campaign conspired or coordinated with the Russian government in its election interference activities.” Note that the quote leaves out the beginning of the original sentence.

And note also that Barr's own words said Mueller "did not find that the Trump campaign or anyone associated with it conspired or coordinated with Russia." The phase "did not establish" is not the same as "did not find," but we have no way of knowing, absent the report itself, how significant that difference is. What we do know is that Barr seems to have put the best possible spin for Trump on what Mueller himself wrote.

Indeed, The New York Times reported Wednesday evening that there is dissatisfaction on the Mueller team with Barr's account.

"Some of Robert S. Mueller III's investigators," the paper reported, "have told associates that Attorney General William P. Barr failed to adequately portray the findings of their inquiry and that they were more troubling for President Trump than Mr. Barr indicated."

Yet another reason why Congress and the public need to see the real thing.

And The Washington Post reported that "some members" of Mueller's team "were particularly disappointed that Barr did not release summary information the special counsel team had prepared." Barr needs to release those summaries, too, and be asked why he didn't make them public in or with his March 24 letter.

On obstruction, Barr quoted the Mueller document saying that "while this report does not conclude that the President committed a crime, it also does not exonerate him." Then, Barr made an astonishing assertion: "The Special Counsel's decision to describe the facts of his obstruction investigation without reaching any legal conclusions leaves it to the Attorney General to determine whether the conduct described in the report constitutes a crime." Barr, who had already criticized what he took to be Mueller's theory on obstruction before he became attorney general, went on (surprise, surprise) to absolve the president, writing "that the evidence developed during the Special Counsel's investigation is not sufficient to establish that the President committed an obstruction-of-justice offense."

But wait a minute: Did Mueller's decision not to make a call mean that it was Barr's decision to make? There is nothing that automatically gives Barr that power. Perhaps Mueller intended to leave the decision on obstruction to Congress, not to Barr. Maybe Mueller was silent on this issue in his report. Maybe he wasn't. We can't know, because we haven't seen the report.

And then came a strange letter from Barr on March 29 in which he complained that many were "mischaracterizing" his March 24 letter.

"My March 24 letter was not, and did not purport to be, an exhaustive recounting of the Special Counsel's investigation or report. ... I do not believe it would be in the public's interest for me to attempt to summarize the full report or to release it in serial or piecemeal fashion."

So a summary was not a summary, and his first letter was, well, incomplete, or at least not "exhaustive" or ... well, what was it? A news release? President Trump certainly had no problem crying from the heavens that Barr's letter was a good-enough summary for him and that it cleared him of everything.

Which means that looking at everything Barr is doing with a suspicious eye is, at this point, the only safe thing to do. Especially when Trump, who had previously said he had no problem releasing the report, complained on Tuesday that it was a "disgrace" that House Judiciary Committee Chairman Jerrold Nadler, D-N.Y., was now demanding the very sort of disclosure the president had once endorsed. Trump, it would seem, was for releasing the full report before he was against it.

When the committee voted for the subpoena on Wednesday, Nadler said: “The Constitution charges Congress with holding the president accountable for alleged official misconduct. That job requires us to evaluate the evidence for ourselves — not the attorney general’s summary, not a substantially redacted synopsis, but the full report and the underlying evidence.” In light of everything that has happened since Mueller turned in his report on March 22, how could Congress settle for anything less?

E.J. Dionne
E.J. Dionne


E.J. Dionne writes about politics in a twice-weekly column for The Washington Post. He is a government professor at Georgetown University, a senior fellow in governance studies at the Brookings Institution and a frequent commentator on politics for National Public Radio and MSNBC. He is most recently a co-author of “One Nation After Trump.”

@EJDionne

Margaret Sullivan: ‘Mayor Pete’ is sweeping the media off their feet. Time for a few deep breaths.

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To paraphrase Alicia Keys, we keep on fallin'... in and out of love ...

And at the moment, the presidential candidate that many media types — and quite a few citizens — are tumbling for is 37-year-old Pete Buttigieg, also known as Mayor Pete of South Bend, Ind.

His fundraising is spiking.

His numbers on the prediction markets come with a green arrow pointed straight up.

And media figures are fallin’ — all over themselves — to give him the kind of attention that hasn’t been seen since ... well, since a couple of weeks ago when the flavor of the month was Beto O’Rourke. (Remember that Vanity Fair cover story and the wall-to-wall coverage of his launch?)

It's a little over the top.

Here, for example, was CNN's Chris Cillizza, commenting on Twitter about some comparative fundraising - specifically numbers announced by Sen. Kamala Harris of California and Buttigieg.

"The $12 million for Harris makes Buttigieg's $7 million look that much better," Cillizza wrote about their first-quarter numbers.

Well, infatuation has never been good for clear vision. And Cillizza is far from alone in what sounds a bit like adulation.

New York Times columnist David Brooks explained Americans to themselves this week with his column, "Why You Love Mayor Pete." (It's because, Brooks posits, Buttigieg "detaches progressive policy from the culture war.")

And the columnist hyperbolically called Buttigieg's new prominence "the biggest star-is-born moment since Lady Gaga started singing 'Shallow.' "

Even "Daily Show" host Trevor Noah joined in, reciting Buttigieg's gold-plated background: "He's a veteran, a Harvard graduate, and a Rhodes Scholar who's openly gay and also so young that if he served two terms as president, when he came out he would still only be 46. Plus, he's a concert pianist and speaks seven languages, including Norwegian, which he learned just so that he could read Norwegian books."

Noah admitted that this was all very glowing. But, he explained, there's nothing else to report: "There's no dirt on this guy. Like, nothing."

And the politics news site Axios offered a rave headline: "Interest in Pete Buttigieg is exploding." The piece itself, a bit underwhelmingly, was based on the comparative number of Facebook and Twitter interactions on articles about the candidates.

Buttigieg wasn't completely without notice before the CNN town hall in Austin, Texas, last month that brought him to the attention of a big audience.

A 2014 story in The Washington Post, for example, was headlined "The most interesting mayor you've never heard of" and detailed how the then-32-year-old mayor was temporarily leaving his post while he deployed to Afghanistan with the Navy Reserve.

But it was two more recent media appearances that made all the difference — the CNN town hall at South by Southwest in Austin and, soon afterward, a much-praised hit on MSNBC’s “Morning Joe.”

Host Joe Scarborough said afterward that he was "overwhelmed" by the response: The only other time in 12 years that we heard from as many people about a guest" was after an appearance by the pre-presidential Barack Obama.

To some extent, opinionators are just following the legitimate curiosity and response of citizens to an upstart candidate.

And, reality check: Although Mayor Pete’s name seems to be everywhere, he’s actually getting relatively little cable-news coverage — fewer mentions last week than O’Rourke or Sen. Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts.

But there was a bright note even there. In a week dominated by speculation about the completed report by special counsel Robert Mueller III, his cable mentions were the only ones that didn’t nosedive, according to FiveThirtyEight.com.

What Buttigieg has is momentum and a certain kind of high-level media — columns and think pieces aplenty. There are plenty of Google searches of his name and enough donations to clear the bar for inclusion in Democratic Party debates.

But, as my Washington Post colleague Philip Bump noted in a cool-headed analysis this week:

"Where Buttigieg hasn't exactly soared is in polling. It's certainly the case that for him to be outpacing U.S. senators in primary polling is no small feat. But in RealClearPolitics's average of primary polls, Buttigieg is at 2.3 percent support - good enough for seventh place."

And when it comes to substantial policy positions, he's not quite there yet. "Buttigieg's bare-bones website has no issues page (despite his emerging reputation as a big-thinking candidate)," noted Zack Beauchamp in Vox.

A young, promising politician having his media moment can be captivating. It's part of what makes politics a great spectator sport. And it might even turn out to mean something.

But, remember, we've been here before. Howard Dean had his moment in 2003. So did Herman Cain in 2011.

Somehow, life went on. Pulse rates returned to their normal levels.

So before we breathlessly agree that Mayor Pete is the next Barack Obama — and sure to be the first millennial president — it might be wise to recall that he hasn’t even officially declared his candidacy.

Deep breaths, everyone.

|  Courtesy

Margaret Sullivan, op-ed mug shot.
| Courtesy Margaret Sullivan, op-ed mug shot.

Margaret Sullivan is The Washington Post’s media columnist. Previously, she was the New York Times public editor, and the chief editor of the Buffalo News, her hometown paper.

@sulliview

LDS Church dumps its controversial LGBTQ policy, cites ‘continuing revelation’ from God

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For LGBTQ Latter-day Saints and their allies, it’s been a long 3½ years.

In November 2015, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints instituted a policy deeming same-sex married couples “apostates” and generally barring their children from baby blessings and baptisms.

Such harsh and restrictive rules triggered widespread protests and soul-searching. Hundreds, maybe more, resigned their church membership. Even believers felt wounded and betrayed. Families were torn. Tensions erupted. Some were disciplined by the church. Some died by suicide.

On Thursday, the Utah-based faith walked back all the hotly disputed elements. Church rituals for children now are OK, and LGBTQ couples are not labeled apostates. The shift comes after 41 months — by Mormon historical standards, an astonishingly rapid reversal.

“Absolutely true,” said historian Matthew Bowman, author of “The Mormon People: The Making of an American Faith.” “Generally, church policies are changed much more slowly and often, when they do change, there is not this sort of announcement.”

The speed of the about-face, Bowman added, “reflects the turbulence that this policy and its implementation created among members, as well as among bishops and stake presidents."

The new rules were unveiled by Dallin H. Oaks, first counselor to church President Russell M. Nelson, at a morning leadership training session for male area presidencies and top female officials.

“Effective immediately, children of parents who identify themselves as lesbian, gay, bisexual or transgender may be baptized without First Presidency approval,” Oaks said, “if the custodial parents give permission for the baptism and understand both the doctrine that a baptized child will be taught and the covenants he or she will be expected to make.”

In addition, same-sex Latter-day Saint parents no longer will be seen as “apostates.”

“Previously, our Handbook characterized same-gender marriage by a member as apostasy,” Oaks said. “While we still consider such a marriage to be a serious transgression, it will not be treated as apostasy for purposes of church discipline. Instead, the immoral conduct in heterosexual or homosexual relationships will be treated in the same way.”

In addition, officials said, the revamped policy clears the way for babies of such couples to be “blessed” in a traditional church ceremony.

“A nonmember parent or parents (including LGBT parents) can request that their baby be blessed by a worthy Melchizedek Priesthood holder,” Oaks said. “These parents need to understand that congregation members will contact them periodically, and that when the child who has been blessed reaches 8 years of age, a church member will contact them and propose that the child be baptized.”

These new “very positive” policies should help “affected families,” Oaks told attendees, and “ … church members’ efforts to show more understanding, compassion and love should increase respect and understanding among all people of goodwill.”

The church wants “to reduce the hate and contention so common today,” he said. “We are optimistic that a majority of people — whatever their beliefs and orientations — long for better understanding and less contentious communications. That is surely our desire, and we seek the help of our members and others to attain it.”

Back to the future

It marked a significant and stunning departure from the recent past.

After all, it was Nelson — then the church’s senior apostle — who declared in January 2016 that the now-abandoned policy came as a revelation from God to his immediate predecessor, church President Thomas S. Monson, who died in January 2018.

In explaining the unexpected turnaround, Nelson said in a news release that the Lord leads the church “revelation upon revelation.”

Nelson’s second counselor, Henry B. Eyring, also emphasized the Latter-day Saint belief in “continuing revelation.”

“We need the Lord’s direction to meet changing circumstances,” Eyring said in the release, “and he has guided changes in practice and policy throughout the history of the church.”

The First Presidency said the policy changes come “after an extended period of counseling with our brethren in the Quorum of the Twelve Apostles and after fervent, united prayer to understand the will of the Lord on these matters.”

Oaks reiterated the church is not revising its doctrine on homosexuality, which teaches that having same-sex attraction is not a sin, but acting on it is.

“These changes do not represent a shift in church doctrine related to marriage or the commandments of God in regard to chastity and morality,” the release said. “The doctrine of the plan of salvation and the importance of chastity will not change.”

Members rejoice

News of the church’s move exploded across and beyond the Latter-day Saint scene.

“My phone has been buzzing nonstop, and I’m getting messages and calls from my gay friends, active and excommunicated, sobbing,” said Calvin Burke, a gay student at church-owned Brigham Young University. “I’ve been jumping up and down for joy on the BYU campus. Everything feels lighter today; the sense of revelation, the sense of hope for LGBTQ Latter-day Saints is in the air. There hasn’t been a lot of concrete reason for that hope before today; now things seem so much closer. It’s like that glow before the dawn of a new day.”

These steps may be small, Burke said, but are “important and deeply symbolic.”

The announcement “hints that the church is inviting conversation and seeking further light and knowledge,” he said. “It seems to represent the beginning of a new relationship between the church and the LGBTQ community.”

When the 2015 policy came to light, Richard Ostler was a lay bishop to a Latter-day Saint congregation in Magna of single adults, some of whom were gay.

That led to a “mini-faith crisis,” Ostler wrote in an email. “I was never able to gain a testimony of the policy, even though I continued to sustain our church leaders and to do everything I could to bring people to Christ.”

On Thursday, Ostler was among those who celebrated the church’s new stance.

“Allowing children of LGBTQ parents to be baptized with simply the parents’ consent puts the responsibility on the parents to make decisions for their children,” he said. “I am also pleased that same-sex marriage will no longer be considered apostasy but will be treated as other serious transgressions related to living the law of chastity. I believe this is the right message to members of the church to not single out those in same-sex marriages.”

Tom Christofferson, gay brother of Latter-day Saint apostle D. Todd Christopher, praised the move for “taking away some of the heartache for gay parents” and dropping the “apostasy” nomenclature.

“Effectively, we’re in the same place we were in before the November 2015 policy,” said Christofferson, author of “That We May Be One: A Gay Mormon’s Perspective on Faith & Family.” “My great hope and prayer is that congregations of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints will use this as encouragement to do more to love and welcome their LGBTQ brothers and sisters into their midst, to create a place of acceptance and appreciation for the gifts they bring.”

Others had mixed reactions.

“So many of us who are LGBTQ advocates, and work for suicide prevention, have hoped and pled for this since the policy was leaked,” said Jody England Hansen, a member of the Mama Dragons support group for parents and family of LGBTQ members. “We are thrilled. When we heard the news this morning, we were crying and hugging each other but, at the same time, remembering all the LGBT members we saw being excommunicated and dying by suicide because of the [2015] policy.”

Hansen, who also is on the Utah Suicide Prevention Coalition, still mourns “the many who are no longer with us. We are still attending funerals and trying to offer hope to many who feel rejected.”

It is “a good step,” she said, “with a long way to go.”

‘Revelatory change’

Boston resident Kristine Haglund, who has seen family members leave the church because of the policy, was even blunter.

“It's a wonderfully hopeful signal that the church is willing to make a policy correction quickly and publicly,” Haglund said. “Many members have the experience of personal revelation letting them know such corrections are necessary; it’s easy to understand that revelation could work that way for the church itself.”

As the “pace of change in our culture quickens, the church will have to be nimble and responsive,” Haglund said, “and this step seems to suggest new mechanisms for revelatory change.”

She would, however, like to see the church “recognize that in the past 3½ years, far too many people and families have been devastated by this policy,” said the former editor of “Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought.” “It is important to acknowledge their suffering, to continue to mourn with and for these Saints, particularly if no official apology is forthcoming.”

For her part, Blaire Ostler, a self-described “queer Mormon sister,” believes that “queer folks who have been excommunicated and/or disciplined for LGBTQ+ issues should have their excommunication repealed and issued a full reinstatement.”

Ostler, who is not related to Richard Ostler, further argues that “the children who had to have their [planned] baby blessings and baptisms canceled should be issued an apology … and that the brethren, as stewards of the church, should apologize to the children affected.”

Her advice to Latter-day Saints?

“We need to learn to live in the paradoxical state of weeping and rejoicing,” Ostler wrote, referring to the biblical verse in Romans 12:15. “You are allowed to feel anger, frustration, joy, elation, pain, sorrow, hope, skepticism, faith and forgiveness. I am feeling all these emotions at this very moment, and they are not mutually exclusive.”

Members should cheer this “drop in the bucket,” Ostler said, “because that’s how buckets get filled.”

Paramount releases an action-packed trailer for upcoming season of made-in-Utah ‘Yellowstone’

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The Paramount Network has released a trailer for Season 2 of the mostly made-in-Utah drama “Yellowstone” – and, clearly, a whole lot is going to happen. The 90-second trailer is loaded with drama, action and violence.

“All the angels are gone, son,” says the show’s central character, John Dutton (Kevin Costner). “There’s only devils left.”

Costner stars as the patriarch of a rich and powerful family that owns an enormous ranch in Montana. (Some scenes are shot in that state; most of the production takes place in Utah.) As the new season begins, the Duttons are beset by enemies on all sides, and there’s dissension within the family.

Season 2 begins on Wednesday, June 19. In Utah, it will be seen at 8 p.m. on DirecTV and Dish, and 11 p.m. on Comcast.

According to Paramount, “Yellowstone” averaged 5.1 million viewers in its first season, making it the most-watched new cable drama of 2018, and No. 2 overall.

Fredrik Landstedt’s New Mexico ski program got eliminated, so he moved to Utah and won a national championship

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The day after the New Mexico board of regents voted to eliminate the university's skiing program last July, Fredrik Landstedt took a job at Utah.

The Utes won the combined men's and women's national championship eight months later.

This would be a better story if it all really happened that suddenly, with Landstedt storming out of the fateful meeting and heading to Salt Lake City, vowing to win an NCAA title and make New Mexico regret his move.

The real-life version is almost as good, though. After applying for Utah's director of skiing vacancy in May, Landstedt arrived in his native Sweden for his father's 80th birthday party and received an email asking him to come for an interview. He immediately booked a flight to Salt Lake City, spent parts of two days discussing the job, then flew back to Sweden and went straight from the airport to the celebration.

The process took nearly another month, before Landstedt was offered the job and accepted it — coincidentally, the day after the New Mexico regents’ vote that would end the Lobos’ program after the 2019 season.

In August, Landstedt brought his family to Utah to complete what he labeled “a pretty wild summer.”

As he said, “It’s always tough to make a big change in your life — and a little scary, for sure.”

And then his move became even more life-altering with the Utes’ 12th NCAA championship in the March 6-9 competition at Stowe, Vt., completing a season when the skiers responded well to Landstedt and a mostly new coaching staff.

“He knows what he's doing; he's confident,” said Guro Jordheim, a junior from Norway who's a six-time All-American in women's Nordic skiing. “When he tells you something, you put in the work to improve. He's a great organizer; everything's under control. He's fun to be around too.”

The move to Utah came after Landstedt, 54, spent 21 years on the New Mexico staff, helping win the school's first national championship in any sport as the Nordic coach and then working as the head coach for 11 seasons at the school where he skied in the late 1980s.

The news of the potential athletic program cuts — men’s soccer and women’s beach volleyball also were affected — came in 2017, when the ski team received a two-year reprieve, while coaches were asked to fund-raise for half of the budget. So Landstedt had some time to consider his future. He pursued Utah’s opportunity last spring when former Ute director of skiing Kevin Sweeney resigned, after having won a national title in each of his two stints of this century.

The appeal was obvious. Utah is “a team that I know regularly can win championships,” Landstedt said.

The job “comes with a lot of pressure,” he added. “People care about the team, and think it should win.”

He’s saying this, while surrounded by national championship trophies in the conference room of the $2.8 million Spence Eccles Ski Team Building on the Utah campus. The only other schools that ever have won NCAA titles include Vermont, Colorado, Dartmouth, Wyoming, New Mexico and Denver, which has dominated this century with 10 championships. So Utah always will be on the list of potential winners.

The Utes came through in March in Stowe, Vt., giving Landstedt a title in his first year after taking a commanding lead into the last of four days of competition.

“It’s a great feeling,” Landstedt said. “You know how much it means to other people, too, which makes it bigger.”

Eccles, a former Ute skier and longtime philanthropist, beamed when the victory was announced during a basketball game that evening. The Utes skiers were recognized two weeks later when the school hosted the NCAA basketball tournament at Vivint Smart Home Arena and will be honored next week during the Red-White spring football game.

And the Utes already are looking toward defending their title next March in Montana (Utah will host the 2022 event). With his staff of Nordic coach Mikes Havlick, Alpine coach JJ Johnson and Alpine assistant coach Jeremy Elliott, Landstedt is determined to keep winning championships. At New Mexico, his approach was to “outwork everybody,” just to have a shot at finishing in the top five.

“That's the philosophy I brought here,” he said, working in a program that's fully supported.

During the dedication of the ski team building in 2017, Eccles mentioned the program's funding level and then-athletic director Chris Hill responded good-naturedly, "If you think I'm cutting the skiing budget, you're crazy."

Mark Harlan, Hill’s successor, assuredly will have the same view of the program, after the skiers brought home another trophy.

Dana Milbank: Mitch McConnell undid 213 years of Senate history in 33 minutes

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Video: President Trump has been pushing Senate Republicans to go ‘nuclear’ in order to pass bills he supports. But what is the so-called ‘nuclear option’? (Jenny Starrs/The Washington Post)


Washington • Members of the Senate used to call their institution the “world’s greatest deliberative body.”

No one is likely to mistake it for that after Wednesday.

Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., in his latest move to seize power by dismantling the chamber’s centuries-old safeguards, was about to push through another vote to break another rule. But first he gave a speech blaming the other side.

"The Democratic leader started all of this," McConnell proclaimed, his face blotchy red with anger.

Pointing at the Democratic leader, Charles E. Schumer of New York, McConnell added: "He started this whole thing."

If that weren't preschoolish enough, the once-distinguished gentleman from Kentucky said a third time: "He started it! That was a sad day. This is a glad day."

Schumer just smiled and shook his head.

Actually, Vice President Aaron Burr started “it” — the Senate tradition of unlimited debate, that is. That tradition has prevailed, more or less, in the Senate since 1806. Over that time, senators had the right to delay votes on presidential nominees they found objectionable. But McConnell undid 213 years of history in 33 minutes on Wednesday afternoon, holding a party-line vote to rewrite the rules of debate.

Both sides have chipped away at this right to filibuster in recent years. Democrats restricted it for circuit-court judges in 2013 (a move that, I wrote at the time, they would come to "deeply regret"), and McConnell's Republicans restricted it for Supreme Court justices in 2017. But McConnell has now significantly escalated, reducing the right to delay consideration of judicial or low-level executive nominees to two hours from the current 30. It's clearly just a matter of time — a few years, perhaps — until this leads to the complete abolition of the filibuster for everything, including legislation. This will further destabilize a federal government that has suffered many such blows during the past two years.

And McConnell took this extraordinary step — the "nuclear option," as it is known — on the mundane matter of confirming an assistant secretary of commerce who had no opposition. He did it even though the Senate has confirmed more appellate-level judges for Trump than for any president during his first two years in office going back to at least Harry S. Truman.

McConnell's move, it appears, had more to do with the mindless one-upmanship of our tribal partisanship. Sen. Tom Cotton, R-Ark., blurted out this motive on the Senate floor, saying his vote was "revenge" for a move by Schumer to block a nominee — 16 years ago. "Today, Sen. Schumer will reap what he sowed," Cotton declared.

Democrats, in turn, are already preparing to retaliate for this latest assault on Senate norms which, at least in theory, forced legislators to build bipartisan support for nominees. As The Washington Post's Paul Kane pointed out, McConnell's move "provides more fodder for liberal activists to push for complete elimination of the filibuster," which could one day advance policies such as Medicare for All, the Green New Deal and D.C. statehood.

McConnell has a history of doing things for short-term tactical gains, regardless of the cost. He did more than anybody else to open the floodgates to unlimited dark money in politics, famously declared his top priority was for President Barack Obama "to be a one-term president" and killed the Supreme Court nomination of Merrick Garland in 2016 by refusing to act on it. Between 2009 and 2013, McConnell's Republicans blocked 79 Obama nominees with filibusters, compared with 68 in the country's entire previous history.

Schumer denounced McConnell's hypocrisy. "This is a very sad day for the Senate," he said. Glaring at McConnell, he called the move to limit delays to two hours "a mockery of how this institution should work."

McConnell rose to blame his victims. He sat on the Garland nomination for a year, he said, because he knew "for absolute certainty" that Democrats would have done the same. And he's taking away the filibuster because Democrats made him.

"He's acting like it's a sad day for the Senate. You want to pick a sad day for the Senate? Go back to 2003, when we started filibustering … and he started it," McConnell said of Schumer. "So don't hand me this sad-day-in-the-Senate stuff."

He assured his Republican colleagues that "I don't think anybody ought to be seized with guilt over any institutional damage being done to the United States Senate."

McConnell then read out a 42-word parliamentary maneuver that jettisoned 213 years of wisdom.

Dana Milbank | The Washington Post
Dana Milbank | The Washington Post

Dana Milbank is a Washington Post columnist. He sketches the foolish, the fallacious and the felonious in politics.

@Milbank


Eye on the Y: Unlike 22 years ago, BYU’s new basketball coach won’t be a surprise

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Eye On The Y is The Salt Lake Tribune’s weekly newsletter on BYU athletics. Subscribe here.

The last time BYU had a head men’s basketball coaching opening, it was pretty apparent to most people close to the program that eight-year assistant Dave Rose would get the job to replace Steve Cleveland, who was moving on to Fresno State after a 9-21 season in Provo.

That wasn’t true in 1997, when BYU brass began an exhaustive search to fill a vacancy created when Roger Reid was fired seven games into the 1996-97 season and Tony Ingle became interim coach. Very few people predicted that Cleveland, then a relatively unknown coach at Fresno City College, would get the job.

“When President Merrill J. Bateman introduced Steve Cleveland as the new Brigham Young University basketball coach at the conclusion of the March 11 devotional, an audible wave of surprise swept through the Marriott Center,” future Athletic Director Val Hale wrote for BYU Magazine. “Fifteen minutes later, athletic director Rondo Fehlberg stood before cameras and microphones at a press conference and stunned media and basketball fans throughout the state with his announcement that Cleveland would become the Cougars’ new coach.”

According to a story in the Deseret News, most people were expecting University of Utah assistant Jeff Judkins (now BYU’s women’s basketball coach), Jim Harrick, Ken Wagner or Fred Trenkle to get the job.

Which brings us to April, 2019.

Will BYU athletic director Tom Holmoe and deputy AD Brian Santiago go with the safe and expected choice — Utah Valley coach Mark Pope — or surprise almost everyone with a name such as Mark Madsen, Alex Jensen, Kevin Young or Barret Peery?

We told you in this newsletter last week that the job is Pope’s, if he wants it, and we’re sticking to that claim. One source told us that Pope “blew away and mesmerized” Holmoe and Santiago in an interview last week with his preparedness level and vision for the program.

Many have asked why it is taking so long. Sources tell us that Holmoe and Santiago have interviewed more than a half-dozen candidates — add BYU assistant Quincy Lewis and Wasatch Academy coach David Evans to the list of candidates mentioned above who have gotten face time with the athletic department’s leaders in the past week or so — and want to make sure that every viable candidate gets an ample opportunity to present his vision for the future of BYU basketball.

Look for an announcement to be made middle of next week — but unlike March 11, 1997, don’t expect it to be a surprise.

Football updates

With spring football practices at BYU having wrapped up a week ago, it has been a fairly slow week for BYU sports news. However, any time is a good time for stories on the BYU football team, and here are a few we’ve delivered in the past seven days:

• BYU Pro Day was smaller than usual, as only six former Cougars went through all the drills and measurements in front of more than 30 representatives of NFL, CFL and AAF clubs.

• BYU coaches put an emphasis on building depth throughout most of the 15 spring practices.

• Receivers coach Fesi Sitake is looking for a few good receivers and wants a go-to guy to emerge, instead of the by-committee approach that was used last year.

• BYU’s defense was pushed around in the spring scrimmage on March 23, but a lot of frontline players didn’t participate and Ilaisa Tuiaki’s defense is expected to be stout by the time the season rolls around on Aug. 29.

Quotable

Pro Day was kind of a dud because the Cougars’ two top prospects for the NFL, Sione Takitaki and Corbin Kaufusi, were mostly observers. Here’s why Kaufusi, who had three surgeries after the final regular season game, sat this one out:

“I was putting up pretty decent numbers, but I know I could do so much better given another week or two, or three weeks,So you don’t want to give the impression that you are good, when you know you can be great. You don’t want to look mediocre when you know you got a lot more in you. So that was the final decision.”

Around campus

• BYU’s women’s golf team placed fourth at a tournament in Argyle, Texas, on Tuesday and will now set its sights on the West Coast Conference championships on April 18. Rose Huang tied for sixth overall in Texas, while Naomi Soifua and Allysha Mae Mateo tied for eighth.

• Despite a gut-busting 8-6 loss to a Utah team Tuesday that had lost nine-straight games, BYU’s No. 24-ranked baseball team is 21-6, tied for the second-best start through 27 games in program history. The Cougars are 7-2 in WCC play and tied with LMU atop the league standings. BYU travels to San Diego this weekend for a three-game series against the Toreros (19-10, 4-5 WCC).

• Libby Sugg went 4 for 4 at the plate and drove in three runs as BYU’s softball team walloped Southern Utah 13-4 in Cedar City on Wednesday. The Cougars had 18 hits and Arissa Paulson picked up her sixth win of the season. The Cougars open WCC play on Friday at LMU in Los Angeles.

• BYU’s No. 4-ranked men’s track team and No. 24-ranked women’s track team will compete in the Sun Angel Classic in Tempe, Ariz., on Friday and Saturday. Last week, Erica Birk-Jarvis broke her fourth school record in the last three months by finishing the women’s 5000-meter run with a time of 15 minutes, 38.12 seconds. She’s also the school record-holder in the indoor mile, indoor 3000-meters and indoor distance medley relay.

BYU’s No. 17-ranked gymnastics team will compete in the NCAA Baton Rouge Regional on Friday at 1 p.m. MDT in the Maravich Center at LSU. Utah, Minnesota and Arkansas are also in the regional. BYU placed third in the Mountain Rim Gymnastics Conference championships after scoring a 195.750.

• BYU’s men’s tennis team climbed nine spots to No. 33 in the latest ITA/Oracle Collegiate Tennis rankings. Sean Hill moved up to No. 96 in singles and is 17-1 this season. Hill and Jeffrey Hsu are the No. 42-ranked doubles duo in the country and are 10-3. The Cougars are 16-3, 5-1 in WCC matches, after knocking off No. 24 San Diego lsat weekend in Provo. The Cougars host San Francisco on Friday.

Red All Over: Ex-Ute quarterback Jack Tuttle can play for Indiana in 2019. Is that a good sign for current QB Cameron Rising?

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Red All Over is a weekly newsletter covering University of Utah athletics. Subscribe here.

Having transferred to Indiana in January, former Utah quarterback Jack Tuttle this week won his NCAA appeal to become eligible to play in 2019, without having to sit out during a year of residency.

What does that mean for current Ute quarterback Cameron Rising, formerly of Texas? That’s difficult to say. Tuttle has not publicized his reasons for deserving a waiver; Rising has based his hopes on Utah’s offering a criminology major that Texas doesn’t have, and being closer to his home in California for the sake of family health issues.

The value of Rising’s being eligible in 2019 has more to do with 2020. No matter what happens this year, 2022 will be his final season, based on his NCAA clock that started in 2018. But if he can play in 2019, competing with Jason Shelley and Drew Lisk for backup opportunities in practices and games, that will keep him more engaged in the program. And he’ll be better prepared for next spring’s competition for the No. 1 job, after Tyler Huntley graduates.

Huntley looked good last Saturday in the first of Utah’s two major scrimmages of the spring — more of of test for most starters than the April 13 Red-White Game. Huntley’s second pass was intercepted by linebacker Manny Bowen, but he went 9 of 10 the rest of the morning (TRIB). Offensive coordinator Andy Ludwig likes Huntley’s football study habits. Ludwig himself has made a good impression on his assistants and his scheme received the endorsement of defensive end Bradlee Anae (TRIB).

The Utes will stage another scrimmage at 4 p.m. Friday at Rice-Eccles Stadium, again open to the public.

The biggest news from Utah’s Pro Day last week was linebacker Chase Hansen’s detailing what he went through physically last season, causing him to miss NFL workout opportunities (TRIB). Hansen hopes NFL teams will judge his body of work. Mitch Wishnowsky’s Pro Day punting display apparently increased his stock, while he also disclosed medical issues from the Pac-12 championship game (TRIB).

The suspension of the Alliance of American Football’s season hit home for some former Utes. Tribune columnist Gordon Monson’s farewell to the Salt Lake Stallions featured linebackers Gionni Paul and Trevor Reilly, each well remembered in Utah’s program (TRIB).

Postseason competition begins this week for the Utah gymnastics team, with a two-day regional event in Baton Rouge, La. The Utes profess to like the NCAA’s new format, as Lya Wodraska explained (TRIB).

The late Rick Majerus was selected for induction into the National Collegiate Basketball Hall of Fame in November. Majerus won 323 games as Utah’s coach from 1989-2004. Past honorees include former Ute coach Jack Gardner and player Arnie Ferrin (TRIB).

Ute basketball coach Larry Krystkowiak and his staff are attending the Final Four in Minneapolis, an annual gathering for coaches. After playing one season as a junior college transfer, guard Charles Jones Jr. has entered the NCAA transfer portal (TRIB). The Utes needed a better outside shooter, anyway. Various reports say the staff is targeting several potential graduate transfers, partly as a fallback option to JC transfer Tajzmel Sherman, who has visited Utah and is making other trips. Brandon Haddock, a guard from Southlake, Texas, is joining the program as a preferred walk-on.

The Ute women’s basketball program is losing forward Dre’Una Edwards, the Pac-12 Freshman of the Year (TRIB). Edwards is transferring, leaving Utah with two returning starters. All-conference forward Megan Huff is projected by ESPN to be taken No. 30 overall in Wednesday’s WNBA draft.

Utah’s baseball team broke a nine-game losing streak with an 8-6 win over BYU on Tuesday at Smith’s Ballpark (TRIB). The Utes (8-15, 1-8 Pac-12) needed that win, as they resume the demanding conference schedule Friday at No. 6 Oregon State.

Other voices

Utah’s alumni magazine featured the lacrosse team’s inaugural season (CON). The Utes will host Mount St. Mary’s at noon Saturday at Judge Memorial.

Pac-12 expert Jon Wilner examines the conference’s plan to sell equity in the Pac-12 Networks, among other issues (MERC).

Washington State introduced basketball coach Kyle Smith (SPOKESMAN).

And California welcomed basketball coach Mark Fox (CHRON).

Athletic department news

• The Utah men’s golf team staged an impressive performance at Chambers Bay, a former U.S. Open venue near Seattle. The Utes posted the best final-round team score, highlighted by Tristan Mandur’s 8-under-par 63, and finished sixth among 18 teams in Seattle University’s Redhawk Invitational. Kyle Dunkle continued his outstanding year with a closing 68 and a tie for seventh place.

• Utah’s softball team (13-21, 2-4 Pac-12) opens a three-game series vs. No. 5 Arizona at 6 p.m. Friday at Dumke Family Softball Stadium. The other games are scheduled at noon Saturday and Sunday. The Utes had a break from conference play last week, but their ambitious scheduled brought No. 2 Oklahoma to town for two games. The Sooners won 11-2 and 13-3. Utah then lost 5-2 to Utah Valley on Tuesday and will take an eight-game losing streak into the Arizona series.

Behind the Headlines: The LDS Church reverses its policy on children of LGBTQ parents

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The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints reverses a policy that generally prevented the children of same-sex parents from joining the faith, and that labeled same-sex married couples apostates. Under a new law, four Utah women ask for a second look at their sexual assault cases. And the exemption to a new law governing the placement of hidden GPS devices on Utah cars.

At 9 a.m. on Friday, Salt Lake Tribune managing editor David Noyce, government and politics editor Dan Harrie, and editorial page editor George Pyle join KCPW’s Roger McDonough to talk about the week’s top stories. Every Friday at 9 a.m., stream “Behind the Headlines” at kcpw.org, or tune in to KCPW 88.3 FM or Utah Public Radio for the broadcast. Join the live conversation by calling (801) 355-TALK.

Ethiopia says pilots followed Boeing’s recommendations

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Addis Ababa, Ethiopia • The pilots of Ethiopian Airlines Flight 302 performed all the procedures recommended by Boeing to save their doomed 737 Max 8 aircraft, but could not pull it out of a flight-system-induced dive, a preliminary report into the crash concluded Thursday.

In a brief summary of the much anticipated preliminary report on the March 10 crash, Ethiopian Transport Minister Dagmawit Moges told reporters that the “aircraft flight-control system” contributed to the plane’s difficulty in gaining altitude from Addis Ababa airport before crashing six minutes later and killing all 157 on board.

She said the crew "performed all the procedures, repeatedly, provided by the manufacturer but was not able to control the aircraft."

"Since repetitive uncommanded aircraft nosedown conditions were noticed in this preliminary investigation, it is recommended the aircraft flight-control system related to the flight controllability be reviewed by the manufacturer," she said.

As in the aftermath of a Boeing 737 Max 8 crash in Indonesia in October, attention in the Ethiopian Airlines crash has been zeroing in on a flight-control system known as the Maneuvering Characteristics Augmentation System, or MCAS, which pushes the nose of the aircraft down to avoid a midair stall.

While she never mentioned MCAS by name during a news conference despite repeated questions from journalists, Moges's comments suggested that the system was activated during the flight and that the pilots were not able to use Boeing's recommended methods to disable it.

The report, which stops short of determining the cause of the crash, chronicles the chaotic last moments aboard the flight before it crashed.

It details how a minute after takeoff from Bole International Airport, one of the angle of attack sensors sent bad information to the aircraft's system, activating the stick shaker on the pilot's column - a vibration that warns the pilot of an impending stall.

Reacting to the faulty data, the MCAS system kicked in to force the plane's nose down, according to the preliminary report. The MCAS activated four separate times, and each time the pilots fought unsuccessfully to regain control of the plane.

In a statement, Boeing acknowledged the report's finding that faulty data from an angle of attack sensor triggered the MCAS function during the flight, as it had during the flight that crashed in Indonesia. The company said proposed software updates and pilot training will ensure the "unintended MCAS activation will not occur again."

"The update adds additional layers of protection and will prevent erroneous data from causing MCAS activation," the statement said. "Flight crews will always have the ability to override MCAS and manually control the airplane. Understanding the circumstances that contributed to this accident is critical to ensuring safe flight. We will carefully review the AIB's preliminary report, and will take any and all additional steps necessary to enhance the safety of our aircraft," said Kevin McAllister, Boeing's president and chief executive for commercial airplanes.

Black-box data released by Ethiopian investigators showed that the crew tried to use a backup manual trim system to counter the MCAS, in an attempt to raise the plane's nose. The pilot called out "pull up" three times to tell the co-pilot to raise the nose, and in the last seconds of the flight both pilots tried together to pull the nose back up, but still could not regain control of the aircraft, according to the report. The trim system is also used to stabilize a plane.

Experts say the airplane was traveling too fast and the manual trim wheel would have been physically impossible to operate.

"At higher speed, manual trim may not be available due (to) airload on the stabilizer," said John Cox, a former pilot and an airline-safety consultant who has been privately briefed on the evidence by people familiar with the investigation. "Not enough force can be generated manually to move the trim."

According to data from Flightradar24, the pilots pushed the aircraft to a speed of 380 knots - roughly 437 mph - but the plane failed to climb more than 1,000 feet above ground in an area surrounded by high terrain.

Investigators believe MCAS also contributed to the Oct. 29 crash in Indonesia, where they say erroneous data from an outside sensor caused the system to force the nose of that plane down over and over again. Pilots were unable to regain control, and the Lion Air flight eventually plunged into the Java Sea, killing 189 people.

After the Indonesia crash, Boeing issued a bulletin outlining how to shut down MCAS in case of malfunction, and Thursday's preliminary report seemed to indicate that the pilots followed that procedure.

Previous evidence found at the Ethiopian crash site showed that equipment on the 737 Max's tail was positioned in a way that would push the plane's nose down. Satellite data also showed that the Ethiopian Airlines jetliner had ascended and descended multiple times after takeoff, mirroring the behavior of the plane in the Lion Air flight.

Both flights struggled to gain altitude, and both appeared to have erratic flight paths before crashing.

Amid reports that a foreign object might have damaged one of the Ethiopian plane's sensors on takeoff, Amdeye Ayalew, the head of the investigation, said information from the recovered data recorders gave no such indication.

"We did not find any information regarding the foreign object damage on the aircraft," he said. "Is there a structural design problem? No, we cannot verify that now."

Officials said a full report would be completed within a year of the crash.

Ethiopian Airlines said immediately after the news conference that the report absolves the pilots, who "followed the Boeing recommended and FAA-approved emergency procedures."

"Despite their hard work and full compliance with the emergency procedures, it was very unfortunate that they could not recover the airplane from the persistence of nose diving," the airline stated.

The similarities between the two crashes, five months apart, prompted aviation authorities to ground more than 370 of the jetliners worldwide.

Those familiar with the investigation also point to some differences between the two flights. For example, the Ethiopian aircraft had no mechanical problems before the crash.

"It had flown to Johannesburg and back without any maintenance issues," Cox said.

"The airplane was mechanically sound. It had no deferrals, no write-ups, and that makes a big difference," he said.

By comparison, the Lion Air plane had multiple issues starting Oct. 26, including on the four flights before the one that crashed into the Java Sea three days later, according to a preliminary report from Indonesian authorities. The plane's maintenance log showed that pilots reported defects with incorrect displays of speeds and altitude and that airline mechanics worked to resolve the problems.

The Max 8 single-aisle aircraft is the most recent iteration of the 737 line - the world's most popular commercial airliner that first flew in 1967. The Max is the fastest-selling plane in Boeing's history, with nearly 4,700 planes sold or on order.

The new revelations about the ill-fated jetliner come after Boeing, grappling with fallout from the two deadly crashes, outlined upgrades to the aircraft's software and increased training for 737 Max pilots.

Boeing has said it would take about an hour for technicians to load a software update for the planes. The company's software fixes will change the way the MCAS receives information, requiring feeds from both outside "angle of attack" sensors, rather than one, before it is triggered.

The system will also have more limits on how often it will engage, and Boeing will make changes that prevent the anti-stall feature from angling the plane's nose too far downward in its attempts to correct for a possible stall.

On Wednesday, Boeing announced that its chief executive, Dennis Muilenburg, Muilenburg had joined pilots aboard a flight to test the updated MCAS software as part of the certification requirements and that "it worked as designed."

A Federal Aviation Administration spokesman said Monday that the agency expects to receive the final package of software and training updates for review "over the coming weeks," reflecting a delay from its initial timeline. Boeing had initially planned to submit the fix for FAA review last week.

Questions surrounding the two crashes have turned a harsh spotlight on Boeing. In the wake of the disasters, U.S. lawmakers have raised doubts about FAA oversight. They have called for several hearings, including one last week in which Daniel K. Elwell, acting FAA administrator, said the certification process for the Max aircraft was "detailed and thorough."

Elwell painstakingly explained that Boeing's goal in the redesign of the 737 Max was to make it fly exactly as previous generations of the plane had, despite the fact that the engines were somewhat larger and repositioned farther forward on the wings.

To combat the additional lift provided by the new engines, Boeing introduced the MCAS, an unprecedented computerized device designed to push the plane's nose down to combat that added lift and to prevent a "stall" that could cause the plane to crash.

There have been 17 generations of the 737 since it began flying, and Boeing wanted the Max to perform exactly as its predecessor, the 737 NG, had.

The U.S. Justice Department's criminal division is looking into the Max jets, while the Transportation Department's inspector general is investigating the way they were certified. Transportation Secretary Elaine Chao has formed an "expert special committee" to review the procedures for the planes.

The FAA said late Wednesday it is creating a technical review team that will be headed by a former top U.S. transportation safety official and will include representatives from NASA and foreign civil aviation authorities.

According to the preliminary report, the aircraft's data recorder was recovered Mar. 11 and had data from 73 hours of operation, covering 16 flights, including the fatal flight. The voice recorder, which was recovered the same day had just over two hours of information, which included the previous flight in addition to Flight 302.

The plane crashed in a farm field and indicated evidence of a "high energy impact." There was no indication of fire. The impact of the crash created a crater roughly 33 feet deep, 92 feet wide and 131 feet long. Most of the plane's wreckage was buried in the ground, but small fragments were found scattered around an area roughly 656 feet wide and 984 feet long.

On March 25, Ethiopian Airlines chief executive Tewolde Gebremariam went out of his way to express his company's continued belief in Boeing, despite repeatedly expressing concern about the Max jets.

"Let me be clear: Ethiopian Airlines believes in Boeing. They have been a partner for many years," he said in a statement.

Boeing's Muilenburg returned the favor the next day and reiterated the company's strong ties with Ethiopian Airlines, praising the carrier as "a pioneer and a leader" in the industry with a "reputation for service and safety." He called the airline a symbol of the progress "of a great people."

Ethiopian Airlines, one of the country's flagship companies, has been engaged in a massive expansion, tripling the size of its fleet in less than 10 years to 113 aircraft. The airline now flies to 120 destinations on five continents and carries more than 11 million passengers a year.

Lazo reported from Washington. Ashley Halsey III and Lori Aratani in Washington contributed to this report.

House joins Senate in passing measure to end U.S. involvement in Yemen, setting up a Trump veto

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Washington • The House voted Thursday to end U.S. participation in Yemen’s civil war, denouncing a Saudi-led bombing campaign that has been blamed for worsening an already dire humanitarian crisis and sending the measure to President Donald Trump for an expected veto.

The vote was 247-175, with one member simply voting "present" and fell largely along party lines, reflecting how Democrats and Republicans remain divided over how to address Saudi Arabia's efforts to challenge Yemen's Houthi rebels, who are backed by Iran.

It illustrates, too, how lawmakers are split over addressing Trump’s embrace of Saudi leaders after the killing of Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi, a crime for which members of both parties believe Saudi crown price Mohammed bin Salman bears responsibility.

The Senate passed this war powers resolution last month, with the support of seven Republicans. That bill was sponsored by Utah Republican Sen. Mike Lee, independent Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders and Democratic Connecticut Sen. Chris Murphy.

U.S. participation in Yemen’s civil war began under President Barack Obama as an effort to share intelligence and provide logistical support, including aerial refueling, to the Saudi-led coalition. Though Trump halted the refueling mission late last year, his administration has defended other support for Saudi Arabia — including weapons sales — as necessary to check the spread of Iran’s influence in the region.

Not all Republicans agree with that argument, as evidenced by the fact that several influential GOP lawmakers are exploring proposals that would end weapons transfers to Saudi Arabia. But most congressional Republicans have objected to using a war-powers resolution to change U.S.-Saudi policy.

"The fundamental premise of this resolution is flawed because U.S. forces are not engaged in hostilities against the Houthis in Yemen," House Foreign Affairs Committee ranking member Rep. Michael McCaul, R-Texas, said on the House floor Thursday. "If we want to cut off economic assistance or logistic assistance to Saudi, there's a way to do that. . . . I think we're using the wrong vehicle here."

McCaul also objected to the fact that "the resolution stays silent on the role of Iran," saying such an omission "undermines the peace negotiations going on."

But for Democrats, the Iran argument is a red herring - and they see the war powers resolution as vital to reasserting Congress' right to dictate when and where the United States engages in military conflict, whether boots are on the ground.

"No blank checks any more. No blank checks to say that administration can run wars without getting the approval of Congress," House Foreign Affairs Committee chairman Rep. Eliot Engel, D-N.Y., said on the House floor Thursday. "We cannot just sit back and say, well you know we have difficulties with Iran so we're going to look the other way . . . No more war in which we're complicit where a wholesale population is starving."

Yemen's protracted civil war has left an estimated 20 million people at risk of starvation, and hundreds of thousands exposed to a cholera epidemic, as civilian sites - such as ports necessary to import humanitarian aid - have become targets in the conflict.

Previous attempts to curtail support for the Saudi-led coalition in Yemen fell short, until Khashoggi’s death inspired a handful of lawmakers on the fence about measures directly challenging U.S.-Saudi relations to back the war powers resolution.

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